"Money and Politics" Shouldn't Take Center Stage
KURASHIGE Atsuro / Expert Senior Writer, Mainichi Shimbun
December 2, 2014
The "money and politics" season is upon us again. Two female cabinet members – the main attraction of the second administration of Prime Minister Abe Shinzo – have resigned. One was shot down over an erroneous entry in the political funding report concerning a trip to the theater arranged for voters. The other was criticized for distributing tens of thousands of fans illustrated with her likeness in her constituency.
As the pursuit of scandal proves to be an effective means of felling ministers, it breathes new life into the media and opposition parties. And thus the search begins for possible deficiencies in the political funding reports of politicians other than the two downed women, and parliament takes on the air of a police interrogation room rather than being a forum for political debate, as politicians are grilled over fresh allegations. The case of Defense Minister Eto Akinori is one example where the questioning has continued for more than a month since suspicious dealings were first reported, proving useful for both the opposition and the media as a scandal with a long shelf life.
In countries everywhere, there is bound to be a skeleton or two in any politician's closet. From morning to night, politicians come into contact with a great number of people, taking commemorative photographs with them, receiving petitions and requests, seeing to it that they are satisfied through appropriate channels, and accepting political donations and votes in return. And in any country, going after powerful politicians and dragging skeletons from their closets makes for an appealing performance of good over evil for the general public.
And so it is that once the political scene becomes ensnared in this cycle, it becomes difficult to break away. The public demands more, the media competes for exclusive news to meet that need, and politicians leak scandalous information on rivals to avoid attracting unwanted attention on themselves. This has happened in past political scandals, such as the Recruit or Sagawa Express bribery cases. Furthermore, the government report on political funding for 2013 will be published at the end of November. The report covers the period after the Liberal Democratic Party's return to power, meaning the scope of funding activities would be naturally larger than when the LDP was in the opposition, while it is also highly probable that the flow of money has been loosely accounted for. Media companies are already gearing up to pore over this new treasure trove of information.
Yet, if we are to play the political scandal game we should do so with a firm awareness of the stakes involved.
What is to be gained, or lost, by this game? While there are merits in the sense that we will cleanse the political arena towards attaining cleaner politics, we should also recognize the considerable demerits. More than anything, this is a game that shortens the lives of political administrations and political careers. In the Recruit incident, then Prime Minister Takeshita Noboru, who was expected to head a long-term administration, was forced to step down after only two years, and a slew of politicians who were competent yet somewhat lax in their money matters were purged in his wake.
Needless to say, politics takes time. To implement a policy pledge, a politician must align the interests of industry and bureaucracy, bring the party around and listen to what the opposition has to say in parliament. Looking back on the administrations of Yoshida Shigeru, Sato Eisaku, Nakasone Yasuhiro and Koizumi Jun'ichiro, it would be fair to say that it takes at least five years in power for a politician to accomplish anything substantial.
The same can be said of grooming politicians, who cultivate their political acumen and influence by riding out a number of elections and ministerial posts. There are cases where much time and taxpayer's money are spent on advancing a politician, only to see him/her branded a "failure" for being lax in certain areas. It is such a pity when political resources go to waste that way.
It all comes down to what we seek in a politician. In my opinion, a politician is someone who has the historical perspective that enables him or her to understand the present by conversing with the past and future, the acumen for seeking out the best course of action from a list of alternatives, and a balanced measure of decisiveness, organization and persuasion required for realizing that choice. However, these qualities and the ability to avoid being caught up in "money and politics" don't always go hand in hand. And particularly when a politician seeks to gain and retain the numbers necessary to realize a goal, money will inevitably follow. While we may speak of Tanaka Kakuei as evil in its purest form when it comes to "money and politics," we give him good marks for his lawmaker-initiated politics and the resumption of diplomatic relations with China.
If the opposition intends to let "money and politics" dominate this parliamentary session, I must disapprove. While they may win political points by doing so, they run a risk of neglecting important discussion on national policy.
This session should be devoted to discussing the pros and cons of two major policies that are being pursued by the Abe administration. In the area of foreign affairs and national security policy, the issues in question are the approval of collective defense and the direction of diplomatic relations with neighboring countries such as China and South Korea. And in the area of finance and economic policy, the issues are the next increase in the consumption tax rate and the future development of Abenomics, which revolves around quantitative and qualitative monetary easing. These political issues are of paramount importance for Japan, which is faced with major changes in its national security environment and economic structure. On its part, the Abe administration has presented its view before us. It is up to us to come up with ways to support it, or oppose it by providing an alternative plan.
That is how the opposition should approach parliamentary interpellation, and what political journalism should report to the public. We must take extra care not to mistake the supporting cast for the star of the show.
Atsuro Kurashige is Expert Senior Writer at Mainichi Shimbun newspaper.
As the pursuit of scandal proves to be an effective means of felling ministers, it breathes new life into the media and opposition parties. And thus the search begins for possible deficiencies in the political funding reports of politicians other than the two downed women, and parliament takes on the air of a police interrogation room rather than being a forum for political debate, as politicians are grilled over fresh allegations. The case of Defense Minister Eto Akinori is one example where the questioning has continued for more than a month since suspicious dealings were first reported, proving useful for both the opposition and the media as a scandal with a long shelf life.
In countries everywhere, there is bound to be a skeleton or two in any politician's closet. From morning to night, politicians come into contact with a great number of people, taking commemorative photographs with them, receiving petitions and requests, seeing to it that they are satisfied through appropriate channels, and accepting political donations and votes in return. And in any country, going after powerful politicians and dragging skeletons from their closets makes for an appealing performance of good over evil for the general public.
And so it is that once the political scene becomes ensnared in this cycle, it becomes difficult to break away. The public demands more, the media competes for exclusive news to meet that need, and politicians leak scandalous information on rivals to avoid attracting unwanted attention on themselves. This has happened in past political scandals, such as the Recruit or Sagawa Express bribery cases. Furthermore, the government report on political funding for 2013 will be published at the end of November. The report covers the period after the Liberal Democratic Party's return to power, meaning the scope of funding activities would be naturally larger than when the LDP was in the opposition, while it is also highly probable that the flow of money has been loosely accounted for. Media companies are already gearing up to pore over this new treasure trove of information.
Yet, if we are to play the political scandal game we should do so with a firm awareness of the stakes involved.
What is to be gained, or lost, by this game? While there are merits in the sense that we will cleanse the political arena towards attaining cleaner politics, we should also recognize the considerable demerits. More than anything, this is a game that shortens the lives of political administrations and political careers. In the Recruit incident, then Prime Minister Takeshita Noboru, who was expected to head a long-term administration, was forced to step down after only two years, and a slew of politicians who were competent yet somewhat lax in their money matters were purged in his wake.
Needless to say, politics takes time. To implement a policy pledge, a politician must align the interests of industry and bureaucracy, bring the party around and listen to what the opposition has to say in parliament. Looking back on the administrations of Yoshida Shigeru, Sato Eisaku, Nakasone Yasuhiro and Koizumi Jun'ichiro, it would be fair to say that it takes at least five years in power for a politician to accomplish anything substantial.
The same can be said of grooming politicians, who cultivate their political acumen and influence by riding out a number of elections and ministerial posts. There are cases where much time and taxpayer's money are spent on advancing a politician, only to see him/her branded a "failure" for being lax in certain areas. It is such a pity when political resources go to waste that way.
It all comes down to what we seek in a politician. In my opinion, a politician is someone who has the historical perspective that enables him or her to understand the present by conversing with the past and future, the acumen for seeking out the best course of action from a list of alternatives, and a balanced measure of decisiveness, organization and persuasion required for realizing that choice. However, these qualities and the ability to avoid being caught up in "money and politics" don't always go hand in hand. And particularly when a politician seeks to gain and retain the numbers necessary to realize a goal, money will inevitably follow. While we may speak of Tanaka Kakuei as evil in its purest form when it comes to "money and politics," we give him good marks for his lawmaker-initiated politics and the resumption of diplomatic relations with China.
If the opposition intends to let "money and politics" dominate this parliamentary session, I must disapprove. While they may win political points by doing so, they run a risk of neglecting important discussion on national policy.
This session should be devoted to discussing the pros and cons of two major policies that are being pursued by the Abe administration. In the area of foreign affairs and national security policy, the issues in question are the approval of collective defense and the direction of diplomatic relations with neighboring countries such as China and South Korea. And in the area of finance and economic policy, the issues are the next increase in the consumption tax rate and the future development of Abenomics, which revolves around quantitative and qualitative monetary easing. These political issues are of paramount importance for Japan, which is faced with major changes in its national security environment and economic structure. On its part, the Abe administration has presented its view before us. It is up to us to come up with ways to support it, or oppose it by providing an alternative plan.
That is how the opposition should approach parliamentary interpellation, and what political journalism should report to the public. We must take extra care not to mistake the supporting cast for the star of the show.
Atsuro Kurashige is Expert Senior Writer at Mainichi Shimbun newspaper.
The English-Speaking Union of Japan
「政治とカネ」はあくまで脇役だ
倉重 篤郎 / ジャーナリスト
2014年 12月 2日
また、「政治とカネ」の季節がやってきた。第二次安倍晋三改造政権の売り物だった女性閣僚が２人辞任した。１人は、有権者観劇ツアーの政治収支報告の記載ミスが問われ、もう１人は、選挙区に自らの似顔絵付きの団扇を万単位で配ったことが問題視された。
スキャンダル追及が閣僚の首を飛ばす効果が確認されると、メディアも野党もがぜん元気になる。２人以外にも、政治収支報告書をめぐるさまざまな不備が捜し当てられ、国会は政策論争の場であることよりも、新たに浮かび上がってくる疑惑に対する警察の取調室的様相を呈してくる。例えば、江渡聡徳防衛相のケースは、最初に問題点が報道されて１ヶ月以上も追及が続く、実に持ちのいい疑惑として、野党からも重宝されている。
どこに国でもそうかもしれないが、政治家は叩けば埃が出る。朝から晩まで数多くの人に会い、記念写真を撮り、陳情、要請を受け、しかるべきルートを通じてそれが実現されるよう権力行使をし、その対価として政治献金と票をもらうからである。そして、これも各国共通であろうが、権力者である政治家を叩いて埃を出すことは、国民世論的には勧善懲悪という魅力的なパフォーマンスとなる。
だから、政局がいったんこのサイクルに入ると、なかなか抜けられない。国民が読みたがり、そのニーズに応えてメディアは特ダネを競い合い、政治家は自分に矛先が向けられないようライバルの不祥事をリークする。リクルートや佐川急便など過去のスキャンダル政局がそうであった。これに加え、１１月末には２０１３年の政治資金報告書が公表される。自民党が与党に復帰してからのものであり、収支の規模は当然のことながら野党時代よりも大きくなっており、かつ脇の甘い処理のされている可能性の高いことから、メディア各社はすでにこの新たな宝の山の解明に向けて取材体制を強化している。
ただ、われわれはこのスキャンダル政局ゲームをそれなりの覚悟を持ったうえで行うべきであろう。
何が得られて、何を失うか、である。クリーンな政治に向けて政界を浄化する、と言う意味ではそれなりのテイクはあるが、ロスも馬鹿にはならないことを知っておくべきだ。 このゲームは、何よりも政権、政治家の短命化につながる。リクルート事件でいえば、長期政権と目された竹下登政権が２年足らずで退陣、カネ集めの脇は甘いが能力の高かった政治家がどれだけパージされたか。
そうでなくとも政治には時間がかかる。国民に約束した政策を実施するためには業界、役所間を調整し、党内をまとめ、国会で野党の意見に耳を傾けることが必要だ。吉田茂、佐藤栄作、中曽根康弘、小泉純一郎各政権をみてわかるように、まとまった仕事をするためには最低５年の任期が必要であろう。
政治家を育てるのも同様だ。いくつもの選挙とポストを乗り切ることが、政治家としての知見と政治力を涵養する。時間と税金をかけてせっかくここまで育ってきたという政治家がその脇の甘さから「失格」の烙印を押されることがある。貴重な政治資源の喪失であり、もったいないことである。
要は政治家に何を求めるのか、ということだろう。私に言わせれば、過去、未来との対話を通じて現代を捉える事のできる歴史観、いくつもの選択肢の中から最も適正なものを見つけ出す眼力、それを実現するうえで必要な決断力、組織力、説得力を程良く持つ者である。その資質と、「政治をカネ」で突っ込まれないようにすることとは、必ずしも一致しない。特に、政治家が物事を実現するために必要な数を獲得、維持するためにはどうしてもカネがつきまとう。我々は田中角栄を「政治とカネ」では悪の権化みたいに言うが、彼が行った議員立法政治や日中国交回復についてはプラス評価している。
野党がこの国会を「政治とカネ」一色にしようというのであれば、私は反対だ。政局的な得点は稼げるが、政策的に重要な議論がないがしろにされる可能性がある。
この国会は、安倍政権が進める二大政策の是非を論じる場である。外交・安保政策としては、集団的自衛権の行使容認と中韓など近隣諸国外交のあり方、財政・経済政策としては、消費再増税をどうするか、異次元金融緩和を軸としたアベノミクスを今後どう展開するのか。安全保障環境や経済構造の大きな変化に見舞われた日本にとって、これほど重要な政治課題はない。しかも、安倍首相は１つの考え方を我々の前に提示している。それにどう賛成しまたは反対し対案を出して行くのか。
それこそが、野党の国会での質疑のあるべき姿であるし、政治ジャーナリズムが発信すべきものだと思う。くれぐれも主役と脇役をはきちがえることなかれ。
筆者は毎日新聞専門編集委員。
スキャンダル追及が閣僚の首を飛ばす効果が確認されると、メディアも野党もがぜん元気になる。２人以外にも、政治収支報告書をめぐるさまざまな不備が捜し当てられ、国会は政策論争の場であることよりも、新たに浮かび上がってくる疑惑に対する警察の取調室的様相を呈してくる。例えば、江渡聡徳防衛相のケースは、最初に問題点が報道されて１ヶ月以上も追及が続く、実に持ちのいい疑惑として、野党からも重宝されている。
どこに国でもそうかもしれないが、政治家は叩けば埃が出る。朝から晩まで数多くの人に会い、記念写真を撮り、陳情、要請を受け、しかるべきルートを通じてそれが実現されるよう権力行使をし、その対価として政治献金と票をもらうからである。そして、これも各国共通であろうが、権力者である政治家を叩いて埃を出すことは、国民世論的には勧善懲悪という魅力的なパフォーマンスとなる。
だから、政局がいったんこのサイクルに入ると、なかなか抜けられない。国民が読みたがり、そのニーズに応えてメディアは特ダネを競い合い、政治家は自分に矛先が向けられないようライバルの不祥事をリークする。リクルートや佐川急便など過去のスキャンダル政局がそうであった。これに加え、１１月末には２０１３年の政治資金報告書が公表される。自民党が与党に復帰してからのものであり、収支の規模は当然のことながら野党時代よりも大きくなっており、かつ脇の甘い処理のされている可能性の高いことから、メディア各社はすでにこの新たな宝の山の解明に向けて取材体制を強化している。
ただ、われわれはこのスキャンダル政局ゲームをそれなりの覚悟を持ったうえで行うべきであろう。
何が得られて、何を失うか、である。クリーンな政治に向けて政界を浄化する、と言う意味ではそれなりのテイクはあるが、ロスも馬鹿にはならないことを知っておくべきだ。 このゲームは、何よりも政権、政治家の短命化につながる。リクルート事件でいえば、長期政権と目された竹下登政権が２年足らずで退陣、カネ集めの脇は甘いが能力の高かった政治家がどれだけパージされたか。
そうでなくとも政治には時間がかかる。国民に約束した政策を実施するためには業界、役所間を調整し、党内をまとめ、国会で野党の意見に耳を傾けることが必要だ。吉田茂、佐藤栄作、中曽根康弘、小泉純一郎各政権をみてわかるように、まとまった仕事をするためには最低５年の任期が必要であろう。
政治家を育てるのも同様だ。いくつもの選挙とポストを乗り切ることが、政治家としての知見と政治力を涵養する。時間と税金をかけてせっかくここまで育ってきたという政治家がその脇の甘さから「失格」の烙印を押されることがある。貴重な政治資源の喪失であり、もったいないことである。
要は政治家に何を求めるのか、ということだろう。私に言わせれば、過去、未来との対話を通じて現代を捉える事のできる歴史観、いくつもの選択肢の中から最も適正なものを見つけ出す眼力、それを実現するうえで必要な決断力、組織力、説得力を程良く持つ者である。その資質と、「政治をカネ」で突っ込まれないようにすることとは、必ずしも一致しない。特に、政治家が物事を実現するために必要な数を獲得、維持するためにはどうしてもカネがつきまとう。我々は田中角栄を「政治とカネ」では悪の権化みたいに言うが、彼が行った議員立法政治や日中国交回復についてはプラス評価している。
野党がこの国会を「政治とカネ」一色にしようというのであれば、私は反対だ。政局的な得点は稼げるが、政策的に重要な議論がないがしろにされる可能性がある。
この国会は、安倍政権が進める二大政策の是非を論じる場である。外交・安保政策としては、集団的自衛権の行使容認と中韓など近隣諸国外交のあり方、財政・経済政策としては、消費再増税をどうするか、異次元金融緩和を軸としたアベノミクスを今後どう展開するのか。安全保障環境や経済構造の大きな変化に見舞われた日本にとって、これほど重要な政治課題はない。しかも、安倍首相は１つの考え方を我々の前に提示している。それにどう賛成しまたは反対し対案を出して行くのか。
それこそが、野党の国会での質疑のあるべき姿であるし、政治ジャーナリズムが発信すべきものだと思う。くれぐれも主役と脇役をはきちがえることなかれ。
筆者は毎日新聞専門編集委員。
一般社団法人 日本英語交流連盟