Will Japan's Refugee Policy Change?
TAKIZAWA Saburo / Special Advisor, Japan for UNHCR
May 12, 2022
The war in Ukraine, in which the Ukrainian military is resisting the Russian invasion with the risk of national survival, has shocked the world. Russian forces have committed massacres of residents and other war crimes, and five million people have fled to neighboring countries such as Poland and Moldova. The burden on neighboring host countries is heavy.
Government and Private Sector Movements
Japan's response to this situation has been swift. The government has made clear its stance in solidarity with the G7 against Russia's attempts to change the international order by force, and quickly decided to provide $200 million in humanitarian aid and $300 million in economic assistance, in addition to tough economic sanctions.
The government has also been proactive in accepting refugees from Ukraine, and under the Prime Minister's personal direction, ministries and agencies are providing generous assistance in the areas of housing, employment, education, and so on. It is unusual for the prime minister himself to give instructions on the refugee issue.
Nearly 700 displaced persons from Ukraine have been accepted by the end of April. Their status of residence is not “Refugees” but “Designated Activity”, which makes it possible for them to work. The 1951 Refugee Convention recognizes as refugees those who are at risk of persecution for five reasons: race, religion, nationality, membership of a particular social group, or political opinion. Those who are displaced on the grounds of war, as was the case this time, are not considered refugees on that basis alone. However, displaced persons can apply for refugee status, and some may eventually be recognized as refugees.
This response is similar to the Temporary Protection Directive issued by the EU after the Russian invasion. Under the Directive, displaced persons who flee to European countries are granted residency for up to three years and the same rights as refugees in terms of housing, social welfare, medical care, and education.
Japan's current Immigration Control and Refugee Recognition Act provides no legal basis for accepting such displaced persons. Therefore, the government plans to submit a draft amendment to the Immigration Control and Refugee Recognition Act to the Diet this fall to create a status of residence "quasi-refugees" or "persons under complementary protection," which would treat displaced persons in the same manner as refugees.
Private sector support for Ukraine is also extremely active. The Tokyo Metropolitan Government, the City of Yokohama, and many other municipalities and companies have offered to accept displaced Ukrainians, and several universities have begun accepting some of them as international students. So many offers of support have been received that the Immigration Services Agency has set up a coordination office. In terms of funding, the Nippon Foundation has offered to provide 5 billion yen, and many international cooperation NGOs have collected large donations. Donations to Japan for UNHCR, with which the author is involved, exceed 100 million yen per day on average.
Background of the public-private "aid boom
Why is it that Japan, which is said to have little interest in refugee issues, is so active in supporting Ukraine, a country so far away?
First of all, there is a strong sense of sympathy. The daily news reports of the devastation in Ukraine, including bombings of hospitals and schools and massacres of civilians, the fact that the majority of the displaced are women and children, and the fact that Ukraine, with its inferior military power, is fighting a good fight under President Zelensky, have motivated people to support the country.
There is also anger. The fact that a country that is supposed to be responsible for protecting international peace and security as a permanent member of the UN Security Council has ignored international law and invaded a neighboring country, threatening it with nuclear weapons, is absolutely unforgivable to the highly law-abiding Japanese government and people. Anger at the aggressor country enhances the public opinion to support Ukraine, the victim.
Finally, there is a sense of insecurity. Russia, which occupies the Northern Territories, is threatening Japan by conducting military exercises in the vicinity of Japan. Anxiety that Japan's national security will be threatened if Russia's acts of aggression are left unchecked, such as by China's military actions against the Senkaku Islands and Taiwan, is driving the support actions.
Will Japan's refugee policy change?
The unanimous view of the public and private sectors in Japan is that if it is not possible to provide military assistance, they would at least like to help the Ukrainian government by accepting Ukrainians who flee to Japan or by providing financial assistance. In a poll of public opinion on further acceptance of displaced persons, around 70% were in favor.
What impact will such a response have on Japan's refugee policy? First, the creation of "complementary protection" is a major change in refugee policy; the limitations of the 1951 Refugee Convention have long been pointed out, but the creation of "complementary protection" has the potential to go beyond such limitations and will likely lead to the acceptance of refugees and displaced persons from many countries in the future.
Diversification of refugee admission methods will also increase. The government is accepting about 20 Ukrainian refugees by plane every week, which is a de fact expansion of the "third-country resettlement program" that began in 2010. The government and private sector are also expanding "alternative legal pathways" such as the acceptance of students as international students. The “aid boom” for the Ukrainians has unexpectedly set an example of a joint public-private support for refugees and displaced persons, which is required by the "Global Compact on Refugees" established by the United Nations in 2018.
This year marks the 40th year since Japan joined the Refugee Convention in 1982 and the refugee status system was created. Japan's proactive stance on displaced persons from Ukraine may provide an opportunity to change Japan's refugee policy, which has been criticized as "refugee exclusion," and, eventually, the national attitudes toward refugees and victims of forced displacement in the world.
Saburo Takizawa is Vice Chairman of The Board of Directors at Care International Japan and Emeritus Professor at Toyo Eiwa University
Government and Private Sector Movements
Japan's response to this situation has been swift. The government has made clear its stance in solidarity with the G7 against Russia's attempts to change the international order by force, and quickly decided to provide $200 million in humanitarian aid and $300 million in economic assistance, in addition to tough economic sanctions.
The government has also been proactive in accepting refugees from Ukraine, and under the Prime Minister's personal direction, ministries and agencies are providing generous assistance in the areas of housing, employment, education, and so on. It is unusual for the prime minister himself to give instructions on the refugee issue.
Nearly 700 displaced persons from Ukraine have been accepted by the end of April. Their status of residence is not “Refugees” but “Designated Activity”, which makes it possible for them to work. The 1951 Refugee Convention recognizes as refugees those who are at risk of persecution for five reasons: race, religion, nationality, membership of a particular social group, or political opinion. Those who are displaced on the grounds of war, as was the case this time, are not considered refugees on that basis alone. However, displaced persons can apply for refugee status, and some may eventually be recognized as refugees.
This response is similar to the Temporary Protection Directive issued by the EU after the Russian invasion. Under the Directive, displaced persons who flee to European countries are granted residency for up to three years and the same rights as refugees in terms of housing, social welfare, medical care, and education.
Japan's current Immigration Control and Refugee Recognition Act provides no legal basis for accepting such displaced persons. Therefore, the government plans to submit a draft amendment to the Immigration Control and Refugee Recognition Act to the Diet this fall to create a status of residence "quasi-refugees" or "persons under complementary protection," which would treat displaced persons in the same manner as refugees.
Private sector support for Ukraine is also extremely active. The Tokyo Metropolitan Government, the City of Yokohama, and many other municipalities and companies have offered to accept displaced Ukrainians, and several universities have begun accepting some of them as international students. So many offers of support have been received that the Immigration Services Agency has set up a coordination office. In terms of funding, the Nippon Foundation has offered to provide 5 billion yen, and many international cooperation NGOs have collected large donations. Donations to Japan for UNHCR, with which the author is involved, exceed 100 million yen per day on average.
Background of the public-private "aid boom
Why is it that Japan, which is said to have little interest in refugee issues, is so active in supporting Ukraine, a country so far away?
First of all, there is a strong sense of sympathy. The daily news reports of the devastation in Ukraine, including bombings of hospitals and schools and massacres of civilians, the fact that the majority of the displaced are women and children, and the fact that Ukraine, with its inferior military power, is fighting a good fight under President Zelensky, have motivated people to support the country.
There is also anger. The fact that a country that is supposed to be responsible for protecting international peace and security as a permanent member of the UN Security Council has ignored international law and invaded a neighboring country, threatening it with nuclear weapons, is absolutely unforgivable to the highly law-abiding Japanese government and people. Anger at the aggressor country enhances the public opinion to support Ukraine, the victim.
Finally, there is a sense of insecurity. Russia, which occupies the Northern Territories, is threatening Japan by conducting military exercises in the vicinity of Japan. Anxiety that Japan's national security will be threatened if Russia's acts of aggression are left unchecked, such as by China's military actions against the Senkaku Islands and Taiwan, is driving the support actions.
Will Japan's refugee policy change?
The unanimous view of the public and private sectors in Japan is that if it is not possible to provide military assistance, they would at least like to help the Ukrainian government by accepting Ukrainians who flee to Japan or by providing financial assistance. In a poll of public opinion on further acceptance of displaced persons, around 70% were in favor.
What impact will such a response have on Japan's refugee policy? First, the creation of "complementary protection" is a major change in refugee policy; the limitations of the 1951 Refugee Convention have long been pointed out, but the creation of "complementary protection" has the potential to go beyond such limitations and will likely lead to the acceptance of refugees and displaced persons from many countries in the future.
Diversification of refugee admission methods will also increase. The government is accepting about 20 Ukrainian refugees by plane every week, which is a de fact expansion of the "third-country resettlement program" that began in 2010. The government and private sector are also expanding "alternative legal pathways" such as the acceptance of students as international students. The “aid boom” for the Ukrainians has unexpectedly set an example of a joint public-private support for refugees and displaced persons, which is required by the "Global Compact on Refugees" established by the United Nations in 2018.
This year marks the 40th year since Japan joined the Refugee Convention in 1982 and the refugee status system was created. Japan's proactive stance on displaced persons from Ukraine may provide an opportunity to change Japan's refugee policy, which has been criticized as "refugee exclusion," and, eventually, the national attitudes toward refugees and victims of forced displacement in the world.
Saburo Takizawa is Vice Chairman of The Board of Directors at Care International Japan and Emeritus Professor at Toyo Eiwa University
The English-Speaking Union of Japan
日本の難民政策は変わるか？
滝澤 三郎 / 国連UNHCR協会特別顧問
2022年 5月 12日
ロシア軍の侵略に対してウクライナ軍が国家生存をかけて抵抗しているウクライナ戦争は、世界に衝撃を与えている。住民の虐殺など戦争犯罪を伴う侵略を逃れて500万人がポーランドやモルドバに避難している。近隣受入国の負担は大きい。
政府と民間の動き
今回の事態に対する日本の対応は速い。政府は、国際秩序を武力で変更しようとするロシアにG7と連帯して対抗する姿勢を明確にし、厳しい経済制裁の他２億ドルの人道支援と3億ドルの経済支援を早々と決めた。
ウクライナからの避難民の受け入れにも積極的で、首相の指示のもと各省庁が住居、就労、教育などの面での手厚い支援を実施している。難民問題で首相自らが指示を下すのは異例だ。
4月末までに700人近い避難民が受け入れられたが、在留資格は就労可能な「特定活動」であり、「難民」ではない。1951年の難民条約は「人種、宗教、国籍、特定の社会的集団の構成員、または政治的意見」という５つの理由で迫害を受けるおそれがある者を難民と認めており、今回のように戦争を理由とするものは、それだけでは難民としないからだ。ただ、避難民は難民認定申請をすることができるので、いずれ難民と認められる者も出るかもしれない。
この対応はEUが発出した「一時的保護に関する指令」と似ている。同指令のもと、欧州諸国に逃れた避難民は3年までの在留と住居、社会福祉、医療、教育などの面で難民同様の権利が与えられる。日本の現行入管難民法には今回のような避難民に対する法的根拠がない。そこで政府は今年秋の国会に入管難民法改正案を提出し、避難民を難民と同じように処遇をする「準難民」ないし「補完的保護対象者」という在留資格の創設を予定している。
民間のウクライナ支援も極めて活発だ。東京都や横浜市など多くの自治体や企業が避難民の受入れを申し出たり、いくつかの大学がウクライナ人を留学生として受け入れを始めている。支援の申し出が多いため、出入国在留管理庁が調整窓口を設けているほどだ。資金面では、日本財団が50億円の資金提供を申し出たほか、多くの国際協力系NGOが多額の寄付を集めている。筆者の関わる国連UNHCR協会への寄付申し込みは、1日あたり平均一億円を超す。
官民挙げての「支援ブーム」の背景
もはやウクライナ支援は「ブーム」のようになっているが、難民問題に関心が低いといわれる日本で、遠く離れたウクライナへの支援がこれほど活発なのはなぜか？
まずは強い同情だ。病院や学校が爆撃され、民間人が虐殺されるなど、ウクライナの惨状が毎日報道されていること、避難民の大半が女性と子供であること、軍事力に劣るウクライナがゼレンスキー大統領のもとで善戦していることなどが、支援への意欲を生んでいる。
怒りもある。本来なら国連安保理の常任理事国として国際間の平和と安全を守る責任のある国が、国際法を無視して核兵器で威嚇しつつ隣国に攻め入ったことは、順法精神の高い日本政府・国民にとっては絶対に許せないことだ。侵略国への怒りは被害者であるウクライナ支援への世論を高める。
最後は不安感だ。北方領土を占拠するロシアは、日本周辺で軍事演習をするなど日本を威嚇している。ロシアの侵略行為を放置すれば、中国による尖閣諸島や台湾への軍事行動が容易になるなど、日本の安全保障が脅かされるという不安が支援行動を後押ししている。
日本の難民政策は変わるか？
日本における官民の一致した考えは、軍事的支援ができないのなら、せめて日本に逃げてくるウクライナ人は受け入れたり、資金協力でウクライナ政府を助けたい、ということだろう。避難民のさらなる受入れについての世論調査では70％前後が賛成している。このような反応は日本の難民政策にどんな影響を与えるだろうか？
まず「補完的保護対象者」の創設は難民政策の大きな変更となる。1951年難民条約の限界が指摘されて久しいが、「補完的保護対象者」の創設はそのような限界を超える可能性を持ち、今後いろいろな国からの「補完的保護対象者」の受入れが進むだろう。
難民受入れ方法の多様化も進む。政府は20人ほどのウクライナ避難民を毎週飛行機で受け入れているが、これは2010年に始まった「第三国定住事業」の実質的拡大だ。官民による留学生としての受け入れなど「代替的受入れ」も拡大している。今回のウクライナ避難民支援は、官民が共同して難民・避難民を支援するという形を生んだが、これは国連が2018年に定めた「難民にかかるグローバルコンパクト」が求めているものだ。
1982年に難民条約に加入して難民認定制度が作られてから今年で40年になる。ウクライナ避難民をめぐる日本の積極的姿勢は、「難民鎖国」と批判されてきた日本の難民政策を変え、さらには難民や強制移動の被害者に対する国民の意識を変える契機になると思われる。
筆者は東洋英和女学院大学名誉教授 ケア・インターナショナル・ジャパン副理事長
政府と民間の動き
今回の事態に対する日本の対応は速い。政府は、国際秩序を武力で変更しようとするロシアにG7と連帯して対抗する姿勢を明確にし、厳しい経済制裁の他２億ドルの人道支援と3億ドルの経済支援を早々と決めた。
ウクライナからの避難民の受け入れにも積極的で、首相の指示のもと各省庁が住居、就労、教育などの面での手厚い支援を実施している。難民問題で首相自らが指示を下すのは異例だ。
4月末までに700人近い避難民が受け入れられたが、在留資格は就労可能な「特定活動」であり、「難民」ではない。1951年の難民条約は「人種、宗教、国籍、特定の社会的集団の構成員、または政治的意見」という５つの理由で迫害を受けるおそれがある者を難民と認めており、今回のように戦争を理由とするものは、それだけでは難民としないからだ。ただ、避難民は難民認定申請をすることができるので、いずれ難民と認められる者も出るかもしれない。
この対応はEUが発出した「一時的保護に関する指令」と似ている。同指令のもと、欧州諸国に逃れた避難民は3年までの在留と住居、社会福祉、医療、教育などの面で難民同様の権利が与えられる。日本の現行入管難民法には今回のような避難民に対する法的根拠がない。そこで政府は今年秋の国会に入管難民法改正案を提出し、避難民を難民と同じように処遇をする「準難民」ないし「補完的保護対象者」という在留資格の創設を予定している。
民間のウクライナ支援も極めて活発だ。東京都や横浜市など多くの自治体や企業が避難民の受入れを申し出たり、いくつかの大学がウクライナ人を留学生として受け入れを始めている。支援の申し出が多いため、出入国在留管理庁が調整窓口を設けているほどだ。資金面では、日本財団が50億円の資金提供を申し出たほか、多くの国際協力系NGOが多額の寄付を集めている。筆者の関わる国連UNHCR協会への寄付申し込みは、1日あたり平均一億円を超す。
官民挙げての「支援ブーム」の背景
もはやウクライナ支援は「ブーム」のようになっているが、難民問題に関心が低いといわれる日本で、遠く離れたウクライナへの支援がこれほど活発なのはなぜか？
まずは強い同情だ。病院や学校が爆撃され、民間人が虐殺されるなど、ウクライナの惨状が毎日報道されていること、避難民の大半が女性と子供であること、軍事力に劣るウクライナがゼレンスキー大統領のもとで善戦していることなどが、支援への意欲を生んでいる。
怒りもある。本来なら国連安保理の常任理事国として国際間の平和と安全を守る責任のある国が、国際法を無視して核兵器で威嚇しつつ隣国に攻め入ったことは、順法精神の高い日本政府・国民にとっては絶対に許せないことだ。侵略国への怒りは被害者であるウクライナ支援への世論を高める。
最後は不安感だ。北方領土を占拠するロシアは、日本周辺で軍事演習をするなど日本を威嚇している。ロシアの侵略行為を放置すれば、中国による尖閣諸島や台湾への軍事行動が容易になるなど、日本の安全保障が脅かされるという不安が支援行動を後押ししている。
日本の難民政策は変わるか？
日本における官民の一致した考えは、軍事的支援ができないのなら、せめて日本に逃げてくるウクライナ人は受け入れたり、資金協力でウクライナ政府を助けたい、ということだろう。避難民のさらなる受入れについての世論調査では70％前後が賛成している。このような反応は日本の難民政策にどんな影響を与えるだろうか？
まず「補完的保護対象者」の創設は難民政策の大きな変更となる。1951年難民条約の限界が指摘されて久しいが、「補完的保護対象者」の創設はそのような限界を超える可能性を持ち、今後いろいろな国からの「補完的保護対象者」の受入れが進むだろう。
難民受入れ方法の多様化も進む。政府は20人ほどのウクライナ避難民を毎週飛行機で受け入れているが、これは2010年に始まった「第三国定住事業」の実質的拡大だ。官民による留学生としての受け入れなど「代替的受入れ」も拡大している。今回のウクライナ避難民支援は、官民が共同して難民・避難民を支援するという形を生んだが、これは国連が2018年に定めた「難民にかかるグローバルコンパクト」が求めているものだ。
1982年に難民条約に加入して難民認定制度が作られてから今年で40年になる。ウクライナ避難民をめぐる日本の積極的姿勢は、「難民鎖国」と批判されてきた日本の難民政策を変え、さらには難民や強制移動の被害者に対する国民の意識を変える契機になると思われる。
筆者は東洋英和女学院大学名誉教授 ケア・インターナショナル・ジャパン副理事長
一般社団法人 日本英語交流連盟