Let us turn our attention to Iran's Foreign Minister Araghchi
NISHIKAWA Megumi / Journalist
October 1, 2025
The current power balance within Iran's regime between the realists (moderates) and the hardline conservatives is heavily tilted towards the realists. The conservative hardliners, including the Revolutionary Guards, were unable to respond to Israel's attack in June this year, resulting in the deaths of many senior officers and scientists. Also, the failure of Iran's proxy forces across the Middle East to come to Iran's aid has also led to a loss of prestige for the conservative hardliners, who have long spearheaded support for these proxy forces.
While hardline conservatives remain silent, the activities of realists such as President Pezeshkian and Foreign Minister Araghchi are frequently reported, with Mr. Araghchi's presence becoming particularly prominent.
Mr. Araghchi held telephone talks with the foreign ministers of Britain, France and Germany in mid-September, discussing the postponement of the European side's procedures to reinstate sanctions against Iran. Prior to this, he met with IAEA Director General Grossi in Cairo, where they reached a basic agreement on resuming the inspections of Iran's nuclear-related facilities. It is apparent that Mr. Araghchi is leading Iran's position on the nuclear issue.
Mr. Araghchi was born in 1962. He joined the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in 1989, a year after the Iran-Iraq War ended. He built his career primarily in Europe, becoming Ambassador to Finland in 1999. Subsequently, he served as Ambassador to Japan for approximately four years from 2008.
For two years prior to becoming Ambassador to Japan, he was a member of the nuclear negotiating team of Iran. However, he fell out of favor with the hardline conservative President Ahmadinejad and was dismissed. Mr. Araghchi's appointment as Ambassador to Japan appears to have been part of then Foreign Minister Mottaki's strategy to distance him from the hardline conservatives. Incidentally, the Foreign Minister himself had also served as Ambassador to Japan (1995–99).
Although he was not particularly keen on the posting to Japan, he later remarked that ‘the experience in Japan was a golden opportunity in my professional life.’
During his tenure, he built extensive networks across various sectors and levels of Japanese society, striving to deepen understanding of Japan. Simultaneously, he spared no effort in promoting awareness of Iran, inviting numerous cultural envoys. His activities were highly regarded among ambassadors based in Tokyo.
I too was invited to several dinners and discussions at the ambassador's residence. What struck me was that he never brandished Islam or revolutionary ideology to unilaterally assert Iran's legitimacy; instead, he always listened calmly to others and responded with persuasive reasoning.
He published his memoirs reflecting on his time as Ambassador to Japan in his home country in 2022. Last October, a Japanese translation was published in Japan under the title “Iran and Japan: Memoirs of the Iranian Ambassador to Japan 2008–2011”. Reading this reveals that he had made many trusted friends in Japan.
A certain story is recounted. In 2010, when the measures to freeze Iranian-related accounts were implemented alongside a UN Security Council resolution, he was informed in advance through certain channels that these measures would be enacted. He immediately relayed this to Iranian-related organizations holding accounts in Japan, enabling them to transfer all funds to accounts outside Japan just before the freeze took effect. He writes: ‘The true value of friendships nurtured in peacetime is demonstrated in times of crisis.’
He also earned high praise during the Great East Japan Earthquake. While many embassies relocated their bases to Kansai fearing radioactive contamination, he decided to remain in Tokyo. This demonstrated his ‘trust in the Japanese government's ability to deliver’ and reflected his belief in the importance of keeping the Iranian flag flying in Tokyo.
Fifty thousand cans of food were urgently airlifted from Iran to the disaster area, where the chef from the ambassador’s official residence was mobilized to prepare meals. The ambassador accompanied all these efforts and was deeply impressed by the orderly conduct of the victims he witnessed there, describing it as ‘Japan's social asset’. When his successor presented credentials to His Majesty the Emperor in 2012, the Emperor expressed gratitude, stating, ‘The Iranian Embassy provided truly outstanding support in Japan.’
By the way, Japan and Iran concluded a prisoner transfer treaty in 2016, which was also the initiative of Mr. Araghchi. At the time, approximately 450 Iranian prisoners were incarcerated in Japanese prisons. Every week, he had his embassy staff visit different prisons to hear the inmates' requests, and he himself visited for meetings every two or three months. In discussions with prison governors, he requested leniency regarding issues such as the mental health problems of Iranian inmates bound by strict Japanese discipline, and the challenges posed by foods forbidden to Muslims and the fasting month. It was during this period that he keenly felt the necessity for a transfer treaty and initiated negotiations.
Upon his return to Iran in 2013, he was appointed by the newly elected President Rouhani, a pragmatist, to lead the negotiating team for the nuclear talks, which culminated in the 2015 nuclear agreement. However, he stepped back from the limelight when the hardline conservative Ebrahim Raisi was elected president in 2021.
His return to the diplomatic stage came in August 2024. Following President Raisi's death in a helicopter crash, he was appointed Foreign Minister by the newly elected realist President Pezeshkian.
Observing Mr. Araghchi's approach to his work, one sees strong conviction and decisiveness, coupled with a pragmatic streak: he is not averse to compromising with the international community if it serves the national interest. Should the Pezeshkian-Araghchi duo continue to hold the reins of government by keeping hardline conservatives in check, one ought to bear in mind the possibility that they might make concessions in nuclear talks, as they did in 2015.
Nishikawa Megumi is a former foreign news editor and Teheran bureau chief of the Mainichi Shimbun.
While hardline conservatives remain silent, the activities of realists such as President Pezeshkian and Foreign Minister Araghchi are frequently reported, with Mr. Araghchi's presence becoming particularly prominent.
Mr. Araghchi held telephone talks with the foreign ministers of Britain, France and Germany in mid-September, discussing the postponement of the European side's procedures to reinstate sanctions against Iran. Prior to this, he met with IAEA Director General Grossi in Cairo, where they reached a basic agreement on resuming the inspections of Iran's nuclear-related facilities. It is apparent that Mr. Araghchi is leading Iran's position on the nuclear issue.
Mr. Araghchi was born in 1962. He joined the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in 1989, a year after the Iran-Iraq War ended. He built his career primarily in Europe, becoming Ambassador to Finland in 1999. Subsequently, he served as Ambassador to Japan for approximately four years from 2008.
For two years prior to becoming Ambassador to Japan, he was a member of the nuclear negotiating team of Iran. However, he fell out of favor with the hardline conservative President Ahmadinejad and was dismissed. Mr. Araghchi's appointment as Ambassador to Japan appears to have been part of then Foreign Minister Mottaki's strategy to distance him from the hardline conservatives. Incidentally, the Foreign Minister himself had also served as Ambassador to Japan (1995–99).
Although he was not particularly keen on the posting to Japan, he later remarked that ‘the experience in Japan was a golden opportunity in my professional life.’
During his tenure, he built extensive networks across various sectors and levels of Japanese society, striving to deepen understanding of Japan. Simultaneously, he spared no effort in promoting awareness of Iran, inviting numerous cultural envoys. His activities were highly regarded among ambassadors based in Tokyo.
I too was invited to several dinners and discussions at the ambassador's residence. What struck me was that he never brandished Islam or revolutionary ideology to unilaterally assert Iran's legitimacy; instead, he always listened calmly to others and responded with persuasive reasoning.
He published his memoirs reflecting on his time as Ambassador to Japan in his home country in 2022. Last October, a Japanese translation was published in Japan under the title “Iran and Japan: Memoirs of the Iranian Ambassador to Japan 2008–2011”. Reading this reveals that he had made many trusted friends in Japan.
A certain story is recounted. In 2010, when the measures to freeze Iranian-related accounts were implemented alongside a UN Security Council resolution, he was informed in advance through certain channels that these measures would be enacted. He immediately relayed this to Iranian-related organizations holding accounts in Japan, enabling them to transfer all funds to accounts outside Japan just before the freeze took effect. He writes: ‘The true value of friendships nurtured in peacetime is demonstrated in times of crisis.’
He also earned high praise during the Great East Japan Earthquake. While many embassies relocated their bases to Kansai fearing radioactive contamination, he decided to remain in Tokyo. This demonstrated his ‘trust in the Japanese government's ability to deliver’ and reflected his belief in the importance of keeping the Iranian flag flying in Tokyo.
Fifty thousand cans of food were urgently airlifted from Iran to the disaster area, where the chef from the ambassador’s official residence was mobilized to prepare meals. The ambassador accompanied all these efforts and was deeply impressed by the orderly conduct of the victims he witnessed there, describing it as ‘Japan's social asset’. When his successor presented credentials to His Majesty the Emperor in 2012, the Emperor expressed gratitude, stating, ‘The Iranian Embassy provided truly outstanding support in Japan.’
By the way, Japan and Iran concluded a prisoner transfer treaty in 2016, which was also the initiative of Mr. Araghchi. At the time, approximately 450 Iranian prisoners were incarcerated in Japanese prisons. Every week, he had his embassy staff visit different prisons to hear the inmates' requests, and he himself visited for meetings every two or three months. In discussions with prison governors, he requested leniency regarding issues such as the mental health problems of Iranian inmates bound by strict Japanese discipline, and the challenges posed by foods forbidden to Muslims and the fasting month. It was during this period that he keenly felt the necessity for a transfer treaty and initiated negotiations.
Upon his return to Iran in 2013, he was appointed by the newly elected President Rouhani, a pragmatist, to lead the negotiating team for the nuclear talks, which culminated in the 2015 nuclear agreement. However, he stepped back from the limelight when the hardline conservative Ebrahim Raisi was elected president in 2021.
His return to the diplomatic stage came in August 2024. Following President Raisi's death in a helicopter crash, he was appointed Foreign Minister by the newly elected realist President Pezeshkian.
Observing Mr. Araghchi's approach to his work, one sees strong conviction and decisiveness, coupled with a pragmatic streak: he is not averse to compromising with the international community if it serves the national interest. Should the Pezeshkian-Araghchi duo continue to hold the reins of government by keeping hardline conservatives in check, one ought to bear in mind the possibility that they might make concessions in nuclear talks, as they did in 2015.
Nishikawa Megumi is a former foreign news editor and Teheran bureau chief of the Mainichi Shimbun.
The English-Speaking Union of Japan
イランのアラグチ外相に注目しよう
西川 恵 / ジャーナリスト
2025年 10月 1日
いまイランの体制内の現実派（穏健派）と保守強硬派のパワーバランスは、現実派に大きく傾いている。今年６月のイスラエルの攻撃に、革命防衛隊など革命派の保守強硬派は対応できず、多くの幹部や科学者が殺害された。中東各地のイランの代理勢力がイランを援護しなかったことも、代理勢力への支援を長年主導してきた保守強硬派の威信失墜につながっている。
保守強硬派が沈黙するなか、現実派のペゼシュキアン大統領やアラグチ外相の動向が多く伝えられるが、特に存在感が高まっているのがアラグチ氏だ。
アラグチ氏は9月中旬、英仏独３カ国の外相と電話会談し、欧州側が着手したイラン制裁の復活手続きを先送りする問題について議論した。これより前、同氏は国際原子力機関（IAEA）のグロッシ事務局長とカイロで会談し、イランの核関連施設に対する査察活動の再開で基本合意に達した。イラン核問題はイラン側ではアラグチ氏が仕切っていることが窺える。
アラグチ氏は1962年生まれ。イラン・イラク戦争が終結した翌89年に外務省に入省。主に欧州でキャリアを積み、99年には駐フィンランド大使になった。その後、2008年から約4年間、駐日大使を務めた。
駐日大使になる前の2年間、核交渉団のメンバーだった。しかし保守強硬派のアフマディネジャド大統領に疎んじられ、解任された。アラグチ氏の駐日大使への転身は、同氏を保守強硬派から遠ざけたい当時のモッタキ外相の考えがあったようだ。ちなみに同外相も駐日大使（1995～99年）を務めた。
あまり気乗りしない日本赴任だったが、「日本での経験は、職業人生の中での黄金の機会だった」と語っている。
在勤中、同氏は日本の各界各層に太い人脈を築き、日本理解に努めた。同時にイランのことを知ってもらう努力も惜しまず、多くの文化使節を招いた。同氏の活動ぶりは在京大使の中でも高く評価されていた。
私も大使公邸での食事会や懇談に何回か招かれたが、イスラム教や革命の理念を振りかざしてイランの正当性を一方的に語るのではなく、いつも穏やかに人の話を聞き、説得性をもって受け答えしていたことが印象に残っている。
同氏は駐日大使時代を振り返った回顧録を2022年に本国で出版し、昨年10月、「イランと日本 駐日イラン大使の回顧録2008―2011」として日本で邦訳出版された。これを読むと同氏が多くの心許せる友人を日本で作っていたことが窺える。
ある話が紹介されている。国連安保理決議に付随してイラン関連口座の凍結措置がとられた2010年、あるルートでこの措置が発動されると事前に知らされた同氏は、すぐに日本に口座を持つイラン関係組織に伝え、凍結直前に全資金を日本国外の口座に移した。「平時の環境で養われた友情の真価は危機的状況下で発揮される」と書く。
東日本大震災でも高い評価を受けた。放射能汚染を恐れて多くの大使館が関西に拠点を移すなか、同氏は東京にとどまることを決断。「日本政府の遂行能力を信用している」ことと示し、イラン国旗を東京で掲げ続けることの重要さを考えたからだ。
イランから食品缶詰5万個を航空便で急輸して被災地に届け、公邸のシェフを動員して被災地で炊き出しを行った。同氏はすべてに同行し、そこで見た被災者の秩序だった行動に感銘し、「日本の社会的資産」と書いている。同氏の後任大使が12年、天皇陛下に信任状を奉呈した際、陛下は「イラン大使館は日本で本当に素晴らしい支援をしてくださいました」と謝意を表した。
ちなみに日本とイランは16年、受刑者移送条約を締結したが、これもアラグチ氏の置き土産だ。当時、約450人のイラン人受刑者が日本の刑務所に入っていた。毎週、館員に異なる刑務所を訪問させて受刑者の要望を聞き、同氏も2、3カ月に1回面会に赴いた。刑務所長との懇談で、厳しい日本的な規律に縛られたイラン人受刑者の精神問題やイスラム教徒に禁忌の食材や断食月の課題などで善処を要望。こうした中で移送条約の必要性を痛感し、交渉に端緒をつけた。
同氏はイランに帰任した後の2013年、大統領となった現実派のロウハニ大統領から核協議の交渉団の責任者に指名され、2015年の核協議を合意に導いた。しかし2021年に保守強硬派のライシ氏が大統領に当選すると表舞台から退いた。
同氏が再び外交の舞台に登場するのは2024年8月だ。ライシ氏がヘリコプター事故で死亡し、大統領に当選した現実派のペゼシュキアン氏によって外相に任命された。
アラグチ氏の仕事ぶりを見ると、強い信念と実行力、加えて現実派らしく、国益に沿うなら国際社会との妥協も厭わない。ペゼシュキアン・アラグチのコンビが保守強硬派を押さえて政権の主導権を握り続けられるなら、核協議で2015年のように妥協をする可能性もあることを頭の片隅に置いておくべきだろう。
筆者は元毎日新聞外信部長・テヘラン支局長
保守強硬派が沈黙するなか、現実派のペゼシュキアン大統領やアラグチ外相の動向が多く伝えられるが、特に存在感が高まっているのがアラグチ氏だ。
アラグチ氏は9月中旬、英仏独３カ国の外相と電話会談し、欧州側が着手したイラン制裁の復活手続きを先送りする問題について議論した。これより前、同氏は国際原子力機関（IAEA）のグロッシ事務局長とカイロで会談し、イランの核関連施設に対する査察活動の再開で基本合意に達した。イラン核問題はイラン側ではアラグチ氏が仕切っていることが窺える。
アラグチ氏は1962年生まれ。イラン・イラク戦争が終結した翌89年に外務省に入省。主に欧州でキャリアを積み、99年には駐フィンランド大使になった。その後、2008年から約4年間、駐日大使を務めた。
駐日大使になる前の2年間、核交渉団のメンバーだった。しかし保守強硬派のアフマディネジャド大統領に疎んじられ、解任された。アラグチ氏の駐日大使への転身は、同氏を保守強硬派から遠ざけたい当時のモッタキ外相の考えがあったようだ。ちなみに同外相も駐日大使（1995～99年）を務めた。
あまり気乗りしない日本赴任だったが、「日本での経験は、職業人生の中での黄金の機会だった」と語っている。
在勤中、同氏は日本の各界各層に太い人脈を築き、日本理解に努めた。同時にイランのことを知ってもらう努力も惜しまず、多くの文化使節を招いた。同氏の活動ぶりは在京大使の中でも高く評価されていた。
私も大使公邸での食事会や懇談に何回か招かれたが、イスラム教や革命の理念を振りかざしてイランの正当性を一方的に語るのではなく、いつも穏やかに人の話を聞き、説得性をもって受け答えしていたことが印象に残っている。
同氏は駐日大使時代を振り返った回顧録を2022年に本国で出版し、昨年10月、「イランと日本 駐日イラン大使の回顧録2008―2011」として日本で邦訳出版された。これを読むと同氏が多くの心許せる友人を日本で作っていたことが窺える。
ある話が紹介されている。国連安保理決議に付随してイラン関連口座の凍結措置がとられた2010年、あるルートでこの措置が発動されると事前に知らされた同氏は、すぐに日本に口座を持つイラン関係組織に伝え、凍結直前に全資金を日本国外の口座に移した。「平時の環境で養われた友情の真価は危機的状況下で発揮される」と書く。
東日本大震災でも高い評価を受けた。放射能汚染を恐れて多くの大使館が関西に拠点を移すなか、同氏は東京にとどまることを決断。「日本政府の遂行能力を信用している」ことと示し、イラン国旗を東京で掲げ続けることの重要さを考えたからだ。
イランから食品缶詰5万個を航空便で急輸して被災地に届け、公邸のシェフを動員して被災地で炊き出しを行った。同氏はすべてに同行し、そこで見た被災者の秩序だった行動に感銘し、「日本の社会的資産」と書いている。同氏の後任大使が12年、天皇陛下に信任状を奉呈した際、陛下は「イラン大使館は日本で本当に素晴らしい支援をしてくださいました」と謝意を表した。
ちなみに日本とイランは16年、受刑者移送条約を締結したが、これもアラグチ氏の置き土産だ。当時、約450人のイラン人受刑者が日本の刑務所に入っていた。毎週、館員に異なる刑務所を訪問させて受刑者の要望を聞き、同氏も2、3カ月に1回面会に赴いた。刑務所長との懇談で、厳しい日本的な規律に縛られたイラン人受刑者の精神問題やイスラム教徒に禁忌の食材や断食月の課題などで善処を要望。こうした中で移送条約の必要性を痛感し、交渉に端緒をつけた。
同氏はイランに帰任した後の2013年、大統領となった現実派のロウハニ大統領から核協議の交渉団の責任者に指名され、2015年の核協議を合意に導いた。しかし2021年に保守強硬派のライシ氏が大統領に当選すると表舞台から退いた。
同氏が再び外交の舞台に登場するのは2024年8月だ。ライシ氏がヘリコプター事故で死亡し、大統領に当選した現実派のペゼシュキアン氏によって外相に任命された。
アラグチ氏の仕事ぶりを見ると、強い信念と実行力、加えて現実派らしく、国益に沿うなら国際社会との妥協も厭わない。ペゼシュキアン・アラグチのコンビが保守強硬派を押さえて政権の主導権を握り続けられるなら、核協議で2015年のように妥協をする可能性もあることを頭の片隅に置いておくべきだろう。
筆者は元毎日新聞外信部長・テヘラン支局長
一般社団法人 日本英語交流連盟