Changing European Views on China
NISHIKAWA Megumi / Journalist
June 22, 2005
The recent anti-Japan demonstrations in China seem to have provided an important turning point for traditional European views on China. European excitement surrounding the country has mostly revolved around Sino-European economic relations but the fundamental value system of these two cultural spheres overlap little. The current ongoings have shown anew that potential risks involving a country whose government has been framed in an undemocratic structure.
The Economist magazine pointed out in its editorial the similarity between "Japan in the 20s and 30s"--with its rise of blinkered nationalism—and present-day China awash with its anti-Japan riots and its cries of 'Patriotism is innocent'. With regards to the damage suffered by the Japanese Embassy and Consulate General in China by riots' stone-throwings, the Chinese government refused both apology and recompense on grounds that "Japan is at fault"; this sort of behaviour is diplomatically unacceptable. Since its adoption of the reform policy, China has made a concerted effort in several fields to follow its credo that "moulding itself upon the global standard model is the road for China to become a responsible member of the international community." Chinese behavior of late is tantamount to negating this credo.
Another factor which dampened European sentiment for China was the anti-secession bill which endorses the stifling of Taiwanese independence even by military intervention. It is not surprising that the EU parliament and some of its member countries, who attach importance to the value of human rights, showed strong mistrust at China's high-handed adoption of the bill at such a delicate time when the European Union has been deliberating over the lifting of the arms embargo. Europeans were once again made to realize that China does not share values such as human rights and democracy with the West.
European attitude towards China has vacillated greatly in the past 15 years. The Tiananmen Square incident of June 1989, which triggered the arms embargo, evoked much criticism from Europe. France, which now is the most lenient towards the lifting of the embargo, at that time was the most critical of China; the then President Mitterand went so far as to say that the existence of such a country as China was deeply embarrassing.
Tiananmen Square incident also had great impact on the democratization of eastern European countries. The democratization of eastern Europe was just under way at the time, and China became the model of "ineffectiveness of economic reform without political reform". Thereafter East European policy shifted from democratization through gradual economic reform towards democratic reform concomitant with political reform.
The mid-90s witnessed the resumption of Sino-European relations, and this is by no means unconnected with the increasing allure of China as an export market. The Asian currency crisis of 1997 also played an important role in further altering the European perception of China. Amid the general plunge of other Asian currencies, China managed to refrain from slashing its own currency and thereby earned a reputation as a "responsible member of the international community." At a certain point Europe seems to have adopted the idea that "were China's open economic policy to continue, China would eventually transform itself into a democratized country."
Recent events have given a warning to Europe's previously rather optimistic outlook of China. It is hoped that the recent episode would give Europe a good occasion to review its relations with China from a wider perspective.
First up for review would be European relations with countries surrounding China. For Europe the importance of economic relations with China might remain unchanged, but it has now become necessary for Europe to show that it is not opting for China for economic gains at the sacrifice of countries like Japan, with which it shares common values such as human rights and democracy and that Europe is not indifferent to the East Asian security environment.
Secondly, it is imperative for Europe to recognize the risks associated with China. It is the common analysis of many specialists that the reason for the Chinese government's refusal to apologize for the riots stems from its apprehension that the people might redirect their pent-up dissatisfaction towards their own government. Only just underneath the surface of the recent economic boom is a country that is extremely volatile. Europe must realize that outbursts from an undemocratic China could be a severe blow not only to Asia but the rest of the world.
The Writer is Senior Editorial Staff Writer at the Mainichi Newspapers.
The Economist magazine pointed out in its editorial the similarity between "Japan in the 20s and 30s"--with its rise of blinkered nationalism—and present-day China awash with its anti-Japan riots and its cries of 'Patriotism is innocent'. With regards to the damage suffered by the Japanese Embassy and Consulate General in China by riots' stone-throwings, the Chinese government refused both apology and recompense on grounds that "Japan is at fault"; this sort of behaviour is diplomatically unacceptable. Since its adoption of the reform policy, China has made a concerted effort in several fields to follow its credo that "moulding itself upon the global standard model is the road for China to become a responsible member of the international community." Chinese behavior of late is tantamount to negating this credo.
Another factor which dampened European sentiment for China was the anti-secession bill which endorses the stifling of Taiwanese independence even by military intervention. It is not surprising that the EU parliament and some of its member countries, who attach importance to the value of human rights, showed strong mistrust at China's high-handed adoption of the bill at such a delicate time when the European Union has been deliberating over the lifting of the arms embargo. Europeans were once again made to realize that China does not share values such as human rights and democracy with the West.
European attitude towards China has vacillated greatly in the past 15 years. The Tiananmen Square incident of June 1989, which triggered the arms embargo, evoked much criticism from Europe. France, which now is the most lenient towards the lifting of the embargo, at that time was the most critical of China; the then President Mitterand went so far as to say that the existence of such a country as China was deeply embarrassing.
Tiananmen Square incident also had great impact on the democratization of eastern European countries. The democratization of eastern Europe was just under way at the time, and China became the model of "ineffectiveness of economic reform without political reform". Thereafter East European policy shifted from democratization through gradual economic reform towards democratic reform concomitant with political reform.
The mid-90s witnessed the resumption of Sino-European relations, and this is by no means unconnected with the increasing allure of China as an export market. The Asian currency crisis of 1997 also played an important role in further altering the European perception of China. Amid the general plunge of other Asian currencies, China managed to refrain from slashing its own currency and thereby earned a reputation as a "responsible member of the international community." At a certain point Europe seems to have adopted the idea that "were China's open economic policy to continue, China would eventually transform itself into a democratized country."
Recent events have given a warning to Europe's previously rather optimistic outlook of China. It is hoped that the recent episode would give Europe a good occasion to review its relations with China from a wider perspective.
First up for review would be European relations with countries surrounding China. For Europe the importance of economic relations with China might remain unchanged, but it has now become necessary for Europe to show that it is not opting for China for economic gains at the sacrifice of countries like Japan, with which it shares common values such as human rights and democracy and that Europe is not indifferent to the East Asian security environment.
Secondly, it is imperative for Europe to recognize the risks associated with China. It is the common analysis of many specialists that the reason for the Chinese government's refusal to apologize for the riots stems from its apprehension that the people might redirect their pent-up dissatisfaction towards their own government. Only just underneath the surface of the recent economic boom is a country that is extremely volatile. Europe must realize that outbursts from an undemocratic China could be a severe blow not only to Asia but the rest of the world.
The Writer is Senior Editorial Staff Writer at the Mainichi Newspapers.
The English-Speaking Union of Japan
欧州の対中国観
西川 恵 / ジャーナリスト
2005年 6月 22日
中国の反日デモは、欧州の従来の対中国観に一つの転機となったようだ。経済関係を中心に中国熱に沸き立っていた欧州だが、中国とは基本的なところで価値観を共有しておらず、非民主的体制が潜在的に内包するリスクを改めて認識させられたからだ。
「愛国無罪」を叫ぶ反日デモが吹き荒れた中国を、英誌エコノミストは社説で「一九二〇～三〇年代の日本に似ている」と指摘し、偏狭なナショナリズムが台頭した当時の日本の姿と重ねた。中国政府は投石などで日本の大使館と総領事館が被った被害について、「責任は日本にある」と謝罪と補償を拒否したが、これは外交上、あり得ないことだ。改革解放以来、中国は「グローバルスタンダード（国際基準）に自らを合わすことが世界の責任ある国になる道」と各分野で努力してきたが、それを放棄するに等しい行為である。
欧州にもう一つ冷水を浴びせたのが台湾独立を武力を使っても阻止する反国家分裂法だった。欧州連合（ＥＵ）が武器禁輸を解除しようという微妙な時期に、反国家分裂法を採択する強引さに、人権意識の強い欧州議会や一部のＥＵ加盟国から強い疑義が出されたのは当然である。中国が人権や民主主義といった価値観を西側と共有してないことを改めて思い知らせた。
欧州の対中姿勢はこの15年、大きな振れ幅をみせてきた。武器禁輸の発端となった89年６月の天安門事件で西欧は激しい中国非難を浴びせたが、その最右翼がいま禁輸解除に最も積極的なフランスだった。ミッテラン大統領（当時）は「世界に中国のような国が存在することは恥ずかしい」とまで言った。
天安門事件は東欧の民主化にも大きなインパクトを与えた。当時、東欧では民主化が緒についたばかりだったが、中国は「政治改革のない経済改革は失敗する」モデルとしてとらえられ、これ以後、東欧は漸進的な経済改革ではなく、政治改革を通じた民主主義革命へとカジを切る。
欧州が中国との関係を回復させるのは90年代半ばごろからで、輸出市場としての中国の魅力が高まったことと無縁ではない。さらに欧州の対中認識を変えるのに大きな役割を果たしのはアジア通貨危機（九七年）だった。アジア通貨が軒並み切り下がる中で、中国は元を切り下げずに維持し、「国際社会の責任ある一員」としての評価を高めた。ある時期から欧州には「経済開放体制がこのまま続けば、いずれ中国は民主化された国に移行していくだろう」との考えが生まれていたように思われる。
今回の出来事はこうした欧州の楽観的見方にクギを刺した。と同時にこれを契機に、欧州はより広い視点から対中関係を考える必要があるように思う。
第一は中国周辺国との関係だ。欧州にとって中国との経済関係の重要性は不変だろうが、一方で人権や民主主義の価値観を共通にする日本を犠牲にして中国との経済関係に走っている訳ではないこと、また東アジアの安全保障環境にも無関心ではないことを示す必要が生まれている。
第二は中国リスクをきちんと認識する必要性だ。中国政府が日本への謝罪を拒否しているのは、国民の鬱屈した不満が政府に向かうことへの懸念からであることは多くの識者の共通した見方だ。経済ブームに沸く中国は一皮剥くと、それほど不安定な状況にある。非民主的体質をもった中国の暴発は、アジアだけでなく世界システムにとっても大きな打撃となることを欧州は押さえておかねばならない。
（筆者は毎日新聞社専門編集委員。）
「愛国無罪」を叫ぶ反日デモが吹き荒れた中国を、英誌エコノミストは社説で「一九二〇～三〇年代の日本に似ている」と指摘し、偏狭なナショナリズムが台頭した当時の日本の姿と重ねた。中国政府は投石などで日本の大使館と総領事館が被った被害について、「責任は日本にある」と謝罪と補償を拒否したが、これは外交上、あり得ないことだ。改革解放以来、中国は「グローバルスタンダード（国際基準）に自らを合わすことが世界の責任ある国になる道」と各分野で努力してきたが、それを放棄するに等しい行為である。
欧州にもう一つ冷水を浴びせたのが台湾独立を武力を使っても阻止する反国家分裂法だった。欧州連合（ＥＵ）が武器禁輸を解除しようという微妙な時期に、反国家分裂法を採択する強引さに、人権意識の強い欧州議会や一部のＥＵ加盟国から強い疑義が出されたのは当然である。中国が人権や民主主義といった価値観を西側と共有してないことを改めて思い知らせた。
欧州の対中姿勢はこの15年、大きな振れ幅をみせてきた。武器禁輸の発端となった89年６月の天安門事件で西欧は激しい中国非難を浴びせたが、その最右翼がいま禁輸解除に最も積極的なフランスだった。ミッテラン大統領（当時）は「世界に中国のような国が存在することは恥ずかしい」とまで言った。
天安門事件は東欧の民主化にも大きなインパクトを与えた。当時、東欧では民主化が緒についたばかりだったが、中国は「政治改革のない経済改革は失敗する」モデルとしてとらえられ、これ以後、東欧は漸進的な経済改革ではなく、政治改革を通じた民主主義革命へとカジを切る。
欧州が中国との関係を回復させるのは90年代半ばごろからで、輸出市場としての中国の魅力が高まったことと無縁ではない。さらに欧州の対中認識を変えるのに大きな役割を果たしのはアジア通貨危機（九七年）だった。アジア通貨が軒並み切り下がる中で、中国は元を切り下げずに維持し、「国際社会の責任ある一員」としての評価を高めた。ある時期から欧州には「経済開放体制がこのまま続けば、いずれ中国は民主化された国に移行していくだろう」との考えが生まれていたように思われる。
今回の出来事はこうした欧州の楽観的見方にクギを刺した。と同時にこれを契機に、欧州はより広い視点から対中関係を考える必要があるように思う。
第一は中国周辺国との関係だ。欧州にとって中国との経済関係の重要性は不変だろうが、一方で人権や民主主義の価値観を共通にする日本を犠牲にして中国との経済関係に走っている訳ではないこと、また東アジアの安全保障環境にも無関心ではないことを示す必要が生まれている。
第二は中国リスクをきちんと認識する必要性だ。中国政府が日本への謝罪を拒否しているのは、国民の鬱屈した不満が政府に向かうことへの懸念からであることは多くの識者の共通した見方だ。経済ブームに沸く中国は一皮剥くと、それほど不安定な状況にある。非民主的体質をもった中国の暴発は、アジアだけでなく世界システムにとっても大きな打撃となることを欧州は押さえておかねばならない。
（筆者は毎日新聞社専門編集委員。）
一般社団法人 日本英語交流連盟