Japan's ODA to China
TAKAI Kiyoshi / Professor of China studies at Hokkaido University
November 24, 2000
The official visit to Japan of Premier Zhu Ronghni of China in October occasioned an opportunity in Japan to deliberate on how Japan's official development assistance (ODA), including yen-denominated loans, is to be continued to China.
In Japan, there are various positions taken with regard to its ODA to China. Proponents assert that Japan must assist China because the Chinese government refrained from requesting compensations from Japan despite the miseries that Japan inflicted on the Chinese people during World War II. Skeptics wonder what Japan's ODA to China is for, because the Chinese government has hardly informed the Chinese public of the presence of the Japanese aid. Furthermore, there is yet another group of people who are directly opposed to providing large-scale aid to China in light of the sharp increase in China's military spending.
Consequently, in a meeting with Premier Zhu, Japan's Prime Minister Mori told the former that Japan's economic cooperation to China requires the understanding and support of the Japanese people, urging the Chinese Government to further inform Chinese people about Japan's ODA. In response, Premier Zhu also stated that "Japan's ODA has been highly appreciated in China as it has assisted China's economic development and contributed to the promotion of the economic relations between the two countries." He promised to strengthen China's effort to inform people about Japan's ODA. Some quarters of the foreign press reported on these exchanges between the two leaders, commenting that Japan played its ODA card in order to force China to give up its history card. Needless to say, the Chinese history card refers to the Chinese act to put political pressure on Japan by urging the Japanese government to reflect on Japan's past aggression to China and Asia. I believe, however, that this backward-looking line of comment not only simplifies the issue but inflames emotional conflicts between the two nations.
Japan's ODA is based on clearly-stated principles and policies. The Government publishes the ODA White Paper every year, which repeatedly makes known its ODA policies. Among others, the following points are made clear;
That Japan's aid should contribute to the sustainable development of the society and the economy of developing countries.
That it is intended to enhance the level of trust and evaluation of Japan in the international community.
That it bears important significance in assuring safety and prosperity for Japan, and
That it contributes towards the advancement of Japan's national interests in a broad sense, including the maintenance of peace.
When these guidelines and policies may be violated, it is natural that the Japanese government makes some form of request to the country in question.
During the summit meeting between Japan and China, Prime Minister Mori neither forced China to convey its appreciation regarding Japan's ODA, nor did he force Premier Zhu to give up the so-called history card. Premier Zhu stated that "China suffered tremendous miseries caused by the Japanese militarism, but let us proceed toward the future using the history as a mirror." Prime Minister Mori responded that the Japanese government has repeatedly made its "historical perception" clear in the Japan-China Joint Statement of 1972, in the statement made by then Prime Minister Murayama in 1995, and in the Japan-China Join Declaration of 1998.
Although it is true that a small group of Japanese people have attempted to overturn such historical reflections, they are only a minority. An overwhelming majority of the Japanese people share Premier Zhu's idea that the two nations should proceed toward the future using the history as a mirror.
I believe that we are now in a crucial time to decide how to promote political and economic development and stability in Asia for the future. All Asian countries should sit at the same table and deepen mutual understanding through discussions. Surely such discussions should not exclude how Japan's ODA is provided.
The writer is a professor of China studies at Hokkaido University. He previously served as the Yomiuri Shimbun's Beijin Bureau Chief and Editorial Writer.
In Japan, there are various positions taken with regard to its ODA to China. Proponents assert that Japan must assist China because the Chinese government refrained from requesting compensations from Japan despite the miseries that Japan inflicted on the Chinese people during World War II. Skeptics wonder what Japan's ODA to China is for, because the Chinese government has hardly informed the Chinese public of the presence of the Japanese aid. Furthermore, there is yet another group of people who are directly opposed to providing large-scale aid to China in light of the sharp increase in China's military spending.
Consequently, in a meeting with Premier Zhu, Japan's Prime Minister Mori told the former that Japan's economic cooperation to China requires the understanding and support of the Japanese people, urging the Chinese Government to further inform Chinese people about Japan's ODA. In response, Premier Zhu also stated that "Japan's ODA has been highly appreciated in China as it has assisted China's economic development and contributed to the promotion of the economic relations between the two countries." He promised to strengthen China's effort to inform people about Japan's ODA. Some quarters of the foreign press reported on these exchanges between the two leaders, commenting that Japan played its ODA card in order to force China to give up its history card. Needless to say, the Chinese history card refers to the Chinese act to put political pressure on Japan by urging the Japanese government to reflect on Japan's past aggression to China and Asia. I believe, however, that this backward-looking line of comment not only simplifies the issue but inflames emotional conflicts between the two nations.
Japan's ODA is based on clearly-stated principles and policies. The Government publishes the ODA White Paper every year, which repeatedly makes known its ODA policies. Among others, the following points are made clear;
That Japan's aid should contribute to the sustainable development of the society and the economy of developing countries.
That it is intended to enhance the level of trust and evaluation of Japan in the international community.
That it bears important significance in assuring safety and prosperity for Japan, and
That it contributes towards the advancement of Japan's national interests in a broad sense, including the maintenance of peace.
When these guidelines and policies may be violated, it is natural that the Japanese government makes some form of request to the country in question.
During the summit meeting between Japan and China, Prime Minister Mori neither forced China to convey its appreciation regarding Japan's ODA, nor did he force Premier Zhu to give up the so-called history card. Premier Zhu stated that "China suffered tremendous miseries caused by the Japanese militarism, but let us proceed toward the future using the history as a mirror." Prime Minister Mori responded that the Japanese government has repeatedly made its "historical perception" clear in the Japan-China Joint Statement of 1972, in the statement made by then Prime Minister Murayama in 1995, and in the Japan-China Join Declaration of 1998.
Although it is true that a small group of Japanese people have attempted to overturn such historical reflections, they are only a minority. An overwhelming majority of the Japanese people share Premier Zhu's idea that the two nations should proceed toward the future using the history as a mirror.
I believe that we are now in a crucial time to decide how to promote political and economic development and stability in Asia for the future. All Asian countries should sit at the same table and deepen mutual understanding through discussions. Surely such discussions should not exclude how Japan's ODA is provided.
The writer is a professor of China studies at Hokkaido University. He previously served as the Yomiuri Shimbun's Beijin Bureau Chief and Editorial Writer.
The English-Speaking Union of Japan
対中ODAについて
高井 潔司 / 北海道大学教授（中国研究）
2000年 11月 24日
10月の朱鎔基中国首相の来日時に、円借款を含む中国向け政府開発援助（ＯＤＡ）のあり方が問題となった。
日本国内には、対中ＯＤＡについて様々な議論がある。「戦時中、あれほど迷惑をかけたのに、賠償を放棄してもらったのだから、協力するのは当然だ」という肯定論から、「中国国内ではＯＤＡの存在についてほとんど報道されていない。これでは何のためのＯＤＡか」という批判論、さらには「軍事大国化する中国にＯＤＡを供与する必要はない」という否定論まである。
したがって、森首相は朱首相との首脳会談で「経済協力には国民の理解と支持が不可欠だ。広報活動を進め、引き続き対中ＯＤＡに対する理解の促進に努めてもらいたい」と述べた。これに対し、朱首相も「日本のＯＤＡが中国の経済発展を助け、日中経済関係の促進にも寄与したと高く評価している。広報も強化したい」と答えた。
こうしたやりとりについて、海外マスコミの一部には、日本が「ＯＤＡカード」を切り、中国の「歴史カード」の放棄を迫ったといった論調が見られた。
いうまでもなく、歴史カードとは、過去の中国、アジアへの侵略に対し、日本政府に反省を迫り、政治的圧力とする行為である。
だが、そうした論調は、問題を単純化して、両国民の感情的な対立をあおる未来志向に欠けた論調ではないだろうか。
日本のＯＤＡにはそれなりの原則、方針があり、毎年、ＯＤＡ白書が発表され、繰り返し、その方針を明らかにしている。「開発途上国の持続可能な社会経済の発展に寄与する」「国際社会におけるわが国への信頼や評価を高める」「日本の安全と繁栄の確保にとって、重要な意義を有し、平和の維持を含む広い意味でのわが国の国益の増進に資する」などの点が挙げられている。こうした方針に合致しない状況が生じた場合に、相手国に対し、何らかの申し入れを行うのは当然のことだろう。
今回の日中首脳会談において、森首相は感謝を強要したわけでもなければ、ましてや歴史カードの放棄など迫っていない。
朱首相は「日本の軍国主義で大きな災難を蒙った。歴史を鏡として未来に進んでいこう」と述べたし、森首相も「歴史認識は日中共同声明や1995年の村山談話、９８年の日中共同宣言で繰り返し明確にしている」と答えた。
日本のごく一部の人の中に、歴史の反省を覆そうという動きがあるのは事実だが、それは全体の動きではない。「歴史を鏡として未来に進む」という考えは、圧倒的多数の日本人も共有している。
アジアの今後の政治、経済の安定と発展をどう図っていくか、今、重要な時期にさしかかっている。ＯＤＡのあり方を含め、各国が一つのテーブルに着いて、相互理解に基づいた議論を深めていく必要があるのではないか。
(筆者は北海道大学教授（中国研究）。元読売新聞北京支局長、論説委員。)
日本国内には、対中ＯＤＡについて様々な議論がある。「戦時中、あれほど迷惑をかけたのに、賠償を放棄してもらったのだから、協力するのは当然だ」という肯定論から、「中国国内ではＯＤＡの存在についてほとんど報道されていない。これでは何のためのＯＤＡか」という批判論、さらには「軍事大国化する中国にＯＤＡを供与する必要はない」という否定論まである。
したがって、森首相は朱首相との首脳会談で「経済協力には国民の理解と支持が不可欠だ。広報活動を進め、引き続き対中ＯＤＡに対する理解の促進に努めてもらいたい」と述べた。これに対し、朱首相も「日本のＯＤＡが中国の経済発展を助け、日中経済関係の促進にも寄与したと高く評価している。広報も強化したい」と答えた。
こうしたやりとりについて、海外マスコミの一部には、日本が「ＯＤＡカード」を切り、中国の「歴史カード」の放棄を迫ったといった論調が見られた。
いうまでもなく、歴史カードとは、過去の中国、アジアへの侵略に対し、日本政府に反省を迫り、政治的圧力とする行為である。
だが、そうした論調は、問題を単純化して、両国民の感情的な対立をあおる未来志向に欠けた論調ではないだろうか。
日本のＯＤＡにはそれなりの原則、方針があり、毎年、ＯＤＡ白書が発表され、繰り返し、その方針を明らかにしている。「開発途上国の持続可能な社会経済の発展に寄与する」「国際社会におけるわが国への信頼や評価を高める」「日本の安全と繁栄の確保にとって、重要な意義を有し、平和の維持を含む広い意味でのわが国の国益の増進に資する」などの点が挙げられている。こうした方針に合致しない状況が生じた場合に、相手国に対し、何らかの申し入れを行うのは当然のことだろう。
今回の日中首脳会談において、森首相は感謝を強要したわけでもなければ、ましてや歴史カードの放棄など迫っていない。
朱首相は「日本の軍国主義で大きな災難を蒙った。歴史を鏡として未来に進んでいこう」と述べたし、森首相も「歴史認識は日中共同声明や1995年の村山談話、９８年の日中共同宣言で繰り返し明確にしている」と答えた。
日本のごく一部の人の中に、歴史の反省を覆そうという動きがあるのは事実だが、それは全体の動きではない。「歴史を鏡として未来に進む」という考えは、圧倒的多数の日本人も共有している。
アジアの今後の政治、経済の安定と発展をどう図っていくか、今、重要な時期にさしかかっている。ＯＤＡのあり方を含め、各国が一つのテーブルに着いて、相互理解に基づいた議論を深めていく必要があるのではないか。
(筆者は北海道大学教授（中国研究）。元読売新聞北京支局長、論説委員。)
一般社団法人 日本英語交流連盟