Lessons to be Learned from 9/24
CHINO Keiko / Journalist
November 12, 2010
I once wrote that "9/17" was perhaps as important to the Japanese as "9/11" was to the Americans. The implication was that while 9/11 had changed the world, 9/17 changed Japan.
As readers are well aware, 9/11 was the day the United States was struck by simultaneous terrorist attacks in 2001. On 9/17, 2002, then Japanese Prime Minister Koizumi Jun'ichiro visited North Korea and met with General Secretary Kim Jong-il, who admitted to the abduction of Japanese nationals and apologized for the first time. That day, the Japanese people realized with shock the true nature of the North Korean state.
To this, I would now like to add 9/24. September again, through some coincidence. 9/24 is the day the Naha District Public Prosecutors Office in Okinawa suddenly released a Chinese captain detained for letting his trawler collide with patrol vessels of Japan's Coast Guard. This came as a surprise, since Japan's official stance was to "deal with the incident judiciously in accordance with domestic law".
"How could he be released? It made me so angry I couldn't sleep for two nights."
"Me neither. I felt so frustrated I decided to cancel my trip to China."
The other day, I attended a high school alumni meeting and was stunned by the vehemence with which normally graceful housewives were criticizing the government and China, lamenting over the situation. Yet, even theirs was a mild reaction compared with what has transpired since.
After 9/24, perception toward China began to change in the eyes of Japan and the world. There was a heightened sense of alarm that gave way to a chorus of criticism from the international community, especially after China embargoed exports of rare earths, a strategically important material, to Japan.
Professor Paul Krugman, a Nobel Laureate in economics at Princeton University, contributed a column in the New York Times on October 18. His commentary alone is enough to illustrate the severity of the criticism faced by China.
In his article, Krugman went as far as to brand China a "rogue economic superpower," and recounted its unlawful behavior, going back to how it took over the production of rare earths, an industry once dominated by the United States, and how it shipped an entire U.S. production facility back home. His criticism was also pointed at U.S. policymakers who simply stood by as it happened.
Professor Krugman's opinions carry immeasurable weight, considering his high profile and status as a syndicated columnist whose articles are distributed around the world. In all honesty, China must surely be feeling the squeeze. If it isn't, the country is even more hopeless.
Meanwhile, in Japan the trawler incident was met with vociferous criticism as a diplomatic defeat. And that it certainly was.
However, neither did China emerge a victor. One could even say that China has suffered an even greater defeat. Despite its energetic efforts in public diplomacy in recent years and its slogan of "peaceful rise," the whole world has now discovered it was only intended to benefit China and China alone.
In addition, the string of subsequent events including the repeated occurrence of anti-Japanese demonstrations and the abrupt cancellation of a meeting between the Japanese and Chinese prime ministers have also shown that China itself is faced with serious issues both internally and externally. The situation is grave.
Still, this is no time for the Japanese to be feeling complacent or jubilant about China scoring an "own goal." China has indeed come under fire from the international community. But that was accomplished not by Japanese diplomatic effort. Japan basically had no plan of its own. And in that sense, Japan is faced with as grave a situation as China.
Let me propose the following so that we may remember the lessons offered by 9/24.
I will not touch upon the Japan-U.S. alliance, since its importance has been widely reconfirmed by the incident. Based on that premise, Japan should concentrate its wisdom and intelligence on diversifying its diplomatic efforts and developing multilateral cooperation.
One example is the ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF) held in July, where ASEAN included the issue surrounding the Spratly Islands in the South China Sea in its agenda for the first time. Until now, China had consistently rejected discussing the issue in a multilateral arena, insisting it was a bilateral matter. By making it an issue, the ARF placed a certain limit to the Chinese attempt to turn the South China Sea into its inland sea and opened the way for future consultations.
Lest I be misunderstood, let me clarify that I am not proposing any multilateral venue for discussing the Senkaku Islands. Rather, I am suggesting that, when rare earths, labor issues and other problems arise in the future, we should avoid locking up the discussion to the bilateral context, and should try to deal with these issues in a somewhat wider context, which would have external repercussions. The latest incident has also taught us that China does care about its international standing.
This approach can also be applied to building a "Mutually Beneficial Relationship Based on Common Strategic Interests" between Japan and China, whose aim goes beyond developing amicable relations. Its significance lies in addressing the Japan-China relationship in a global context, based on the recognition that "Japan and China now have great influence on and bear a solemn responsibility for peace, stability, and development of the Asia-Pacific region and the world," as stated in their Joint Statement on Comprehensive Promotion of such a relationship.
As Professor Krugman has written: "China's response to the trawler incident is, I'm sorry to say, further evidence that the world's newest economic superpower isn't prepared to assume the responsibilities that go with that status." Given this outcome, Japan should not only parrot the importance of a "Mutually Beneficial Relationship Based on Common Strategic Interests," but explain why such a relationship must be respected to China as well as the international community. Japan needs to make a far greater effort to have its voice heard in the international arena.
Above all, we should follow the proverb "forewarned is forearmed" if we are to avoid re-igniting tensions between Japan and China. Our urgent task is to defend the Senkaku Islands and our other remote islands, including Okinawa and the Nansei Islands, to clearly express our will as a nation. And we better hurry, for there isn't much time.
Finally, China will be Japan's neighbor to the end of time. And precisely for that reason, Japan should maintain a careful distance in its relationship with China. Don't get too involved with the Chinese continent – it would do us good to remind ourselves of this lesson learned from modern history.
The writer is Columnist at the Sankei Shimbun newspaper.
As readers are well aware, 9/11 was the day the United States was struck by simultaneous terrorist attacks in 2001. On 9/17, 2002, then Japanese Prime Minister Koizumi Jun'ichiro visited North Korea and met with General Secretary Kim Jong-il, who admitted to the abduction of Japanese nationals and apologized for the first time. That day, the Japanese people realized with shock the true nature of the North Korean state.
To this, I would now like to add 9/24. September again, through some coincidence. 9/24 is the day the Naha District Public Prosecutors Office in Okinawa suddenly released a Chinese captain detained for letting his trawler collide with patrol vessels of Japan's Coast Guard. This came as a surprise, since Japan's official stance was to "deal with the incident judiciously in accordance with domestic law".
"How could he be released? It made me so angry I couldn't sleep for two nights."
"Me neither. I felt so frustrated I decided to cancel my trip to China."
The other day, I attended a high school alumni meeting and was stunned by the vehemence with which normally graceful housewives were criticizing the government and China, lamenting over the situation. Yet, even theirs was a mild reaction compared with what has transpired since.
After 9/24, perception toward China began to change in the eyes of Japan and the world. There was a heightened sense of alarm that gave way to a chorus of criticism from the international community, especially after China embargoed exports of rare earths, a strategically important material, to Japan.
Professor Paul Krugman, a Nobel Laureate in economics at Princeton University, contributed a column in the New York Times on October 18. His commentary alone is enough to illustrate the severity of the criticism faced by China.
In his article, Krugman went as far as to brand China a "rogue economic superpower," and recounted its unlawful behavior, going back to how it took over the production of rare earths, an industry once dominated by the United States, and how it shipped an entire U.S. production facility back home. His criticism was also pointed at U.S. policymakers who simply stood by as it happened.
Professor Krugman's opinions carry immeasurable weight, considering his high profile and status as a syndicated columnist whose articles are distributed around the world. In all honesty, China must surely be feeling the squeeze. If it isn't, the country is even more hopeless.
Meanwhile, in Japan the trawler incident was met with vociferous criticism as a diplomatic defeat. And that it certainly was.
However, neither did China emerge a victor. One could even say that China has suffered an even greater defeat. Despite its energetic efforts in public diplomacy in recent years and its slogan of "peaceful rise," the whole world has now discovered it was only intended to benefit China and China alone.
In addition, the string of subsequent events including the repeated occurrence of anti-Japanese demonstrations and the abrupt cancellation of a meeting between the Japanese and Chinese prime ministers have also shown that China itself is faced with serious issues both internally and externally. The situation is grave.
Still, this is no time for the Japanese to be feeling complacent or jubilant about China scoring an "own goal." China has indeed come under fire from the international community. But that was accomplished not by Japanese diplomatic effort. Japan basically had no plan of its own. And in that sense, Japan is faced with as grave a situation as China.
Let me propose the following so that we may remember the lessons offered by 9/24.
I will not touch upon the Japan-U.S. alliance, since its importance has been widely reconfirmed by the incident. Based on that premise, Japan should concentrate its wisdom and intelligence on diversifying its diplomatic efforts and developing multilateral cooperation.
One example is the ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF) held in July, where ASEAN included the issue surrounding the Spratly Islands in the South China Sea in its agenda for the first time. Until now, China had consistently rejected discussing the issue in a multilateral arena, insisting it was a bilateral matter. By making it an issue, the ARF placed a certain limit to the Chinese attempt to turn the South China Sea into its inland sea and opened the way for future consultations.
Lest I be misunderstood, let me clarify that I am not proposing any multilateral venue for discussing the Senkaku Islands. Rather, I am suggesting that, when rare earths, labor issues and other problems arise in the future, we should avoid locking up the discussion to the bilateral context, and should try to deal with these issues in a somewhat wider context, which would have external repercussions. The latest incident has also taught us that China does care about its international standing.
This approach can also be applied to building a "Mutually Beneficial Relationship Based on Common Strategic Interests" between Japan and China, whose aim goes beyond developing amicable relations. Its significance lies in addressing the Japan-China relationship in a global context, based on the recognition that "Japan and China now have great influence on and bear a solemn responsibility for peace, stability, and development of the Asia-Pacific region and the world," as stated in their Joint Statement on Comprehensive Promotion of such a relationship.
As Professor Krugman has written: "China's response to the trawler incident is, I'm sorry to say, further evidence that the world's newest economic superpower isn't prepared to assume the responsibilities that go with that status." Given this outcome, Japan should not only parrot the importance of a "Mutually Beneficial Relationship Based on Common Strategic Interests," but explain why such a relationship must be respected to China as well as the international community. Japan needs to make a far greater effort to have its voice heard in the international arena.
Above all, we should follow the proverb "forewarned is forearmed" if we are to avoid re-igniting tensions between Japan and China. Our urgent task is to defend the Senkaku Islands and our other remote islands, including Okinawa and the Nansei Islands, to clearly express our will as a nation. And we better hurry, for there isn't much time.
Finally, China will be Japan's neighbor to the end of time. And precisely for that reason, Japan should maintain a careful distance in its relationship with China. Don't get too involved with the Chinese continent – it would do us good to remind ourselves of this lesson learned from modern history.
The writer is Columnist at the Sankei Shimbun newspaper.
The English-Speaking Union of Japan
９・24とその教訓を考えてみた
千野境子 / ジャーナリスト
2010年 11月 12日
９・24とその教訓を考えてみた
千野境子 ジャーナリスト
かつて「日本人にとって『９・17』は、米国人にとっての『９・11』にも匹敵するのではないか」と書いたことがある。９・11は世界を変えたが、９・17は日本を変えたとの含意でもあった。
あらためて説明するまでもなく、９・11は米同時多発テロ、９・17は当時の小泉純一郎首相が北朝鮮を訪問、首脳会談を行うとともに金正日総書記が初めて拉致を認め、謝罪した日である。あの時、多くの日本人は北朝鮮という国家の本質を思い知らされたのだった。
今、これに９・２４が加わったと考えたい。偶然ながら、再び９月である。９・２４とは、中国漁船衝突事件で逮捕し、「国内法に則って粛々と対処する」としていたはずの船長を、沖縄・那覇地検が突如、釈放すると発表した日だ。
「なぜ釈放なの。私、悔しくて二日間、眠れなかったわ」
「そう、私も。しゃくだから中国旅行をキャンセルしたの」
先日、高校の同窓会で、しとやかなミセスたちが政府や中国を批判し、慨嘆する迫力に驚いた。もっともその後の進展を見れば、まだおだやかな方だったのである。
９・２４を契機に、日本そして世界の対中観には変化が訪れた。警戒感は高まり、とくに中国が戦略物資レアアースの禁輸措置を取ってからの国際世論は、中国批判オンパレードの感があった。
批判の厳しさは、ノーベル経済学賞を受賞した米プリンストン大のポール・クルーグマン教授が、ニューヨーク・タイムズ紙に寄稿した１０月１８日付コラムの一例をあげるだけで十分だろう。
クルーグマン教授は中国を「ならず者経済超大国」とまで呼び、中国がかつて米国が支配していたレアアースの生産に参入、米国を追い出しただけでなく、米国のレアアース生産設備をそっくり中国へ持ち去ってしまったと、その無法ぶりを克明に記した。批判の矛先は、これを看過した米政策当局者にも向けられていた。
教授の知名度や同氏がシンジケート・コラムニストで、記事が世界中に配信されることなどを考えれば、影響力は計り知れない。中国も内心は「まずい」と思っているのではないだろうか。またそのように思わないとしたら、中国はいよいよ救いがない。
一方、国内では日本外交敗北の声もまたオンパレードだった。たしかにその通りだと思う。
しかし中国も勝利したわけではない。むしろ中国は敗北に大をつけてもよいくらいだ。「平和的台頭」も近年とみに力を入れてきたパブリック・ディプロマシーも、実は中国による中国のためのそれでしかなかったことを、多くの人は知ってしまったのである。
しかも反日デモの続発や日中首脳会談の突然の中止など、その後の一連の出来事は、中国をめぐる内外情勢が容易でないことも物語っている。事態は深刻だ。
とはいえ日本が中国のオウン・ゴールに安心したり、まして喜んだりしている場合ではないことも、もちろんだ。中国は国際世論の指弾を浴びた。けれどそれは日本外交の成果ではまるでない。日本は無策も同然だった。その意味では日本もまた深刻である。
９・２４を教訓とし忘れないために、いくつかの提案をしたい。
日米同盟の重要性が再認識されたことは衆目の一致するところだから、あえて立ち入らない。それを踏まえた上で、日本は今後、外交の多角化と多国間協調に叡知を傾けていくべきである。
去る七月のＡＳＥＡＮ地域フォーラム（ＡＲＦ）で、ＡＳＥＡＮが初めて南シナ海の南沙諸島問題を取り上げたのは良い例である。中国は南沙諸島問題をこれまで一貫して二国間の問題とし、多国間協議の俎上にのせることを拒否してきた。ＡＲＦは提起することで、南シナ海の中国内海化に一定の歯止めをかけるとともに、今後の協議にも道筋をつけた。
誤解なきように言うと、尖閣諸島問題を多国間の場にという提案ではない。レアアースはもとより、労働問題はじめ今後、問題が生じた場合には日中に閉じこめず、相対化、あえて言えば拡散化を図る。中国が案外、国際的な評判を気にしていることも今回、よく分かったからだ。
これは、日中の「戦略的互恵関係」の推進にも合致する。戦略的互恵関係は単なる友好が目的ではない。日中関係を世界の中の日中関係ととらえ、《今や日中両国が、アジア太平洋地域及び世界の平和、安定、発展に対し大きな影響力を有し、厳粛な責任を負っているとの認識で一致した》（「戦略的互恵関係」の包括的推進に関する日中共同声明）ことに意味がある。
《漁船事件での中国の反応は、残念ながら、世界の最新の経済超大国が、その地位にふさわしい責任を引き受ける用意がないことを示すさらなる証拠》（クルーグマン）となった以上、日本は「戦略的互恵関係が重要」とオウム返しするだけでなく、それがなぜ尊重されなければならないのか、中国とともに国際社会にも主張していくことが大事だ。日本は国際場裡での発信があまりにも足りない。
そして日中関係の緊張を再燃させないためには、何と言っても「備えあれば憂いなし」だろう。尖閣諸島はもとより、沖縄や南西諸島の離島防衛を国家の確かな意志として急ぐことである。時間があそれほどあるわけではない。
最後に中国は永遠に日本の隣人である。だからこそ中国とはほどほどの距離（関係）を保つこと。中国大陸には深入りしないー。現代史の教訓をあらためてかみしめたい。
（筆者は産経新聞 特別記者。）
千野境子 ジャーナリスト
かつて「日本人にとって『９・17』は、米国人にとっての『９・11』にも匹敵するのではないか」と書いたことがある。９・11は世界を変えたが、９・17は日本を変えたとの含意でもあった。
あらためて説明するまでもなく、９・11は米同時多発テロ、９・17は当時の小泉純一郎首相が北朝鮮を訪問、首脳会談を行うとともに金正日総書記が初めて拉致を認め、謝罪した日である。あの時、多くの日本人は北朝鮮という国家の本質を思い知らされたのだった。
今、これに９・２４が加わったと考えたい。偶然ながら、再び９月である。９・２４とは、中国漁船衝突事件で逮捕し、「国内法に則って粛々と対処する」としていたはずの船長を、沖縄・那覇地検が突如、釈放すると発表した日だ。
「なぜ釈放なの。私、悔しくて二日間、眠れなかったわ」
「そう、私も。しゃくだから中国旅行をキャンセルしたの」
先日、高校の同窓会で、しとやかなミセスたちが政府や中国を批判し、慨嘆する迫力に驚いた。もっともその後の進展を見れば、まだおだやかな方だったのである。
９・２４を契機に、日本そして世界の対中観には変化が訪れた。警戒感は高まり、とくに中国が戦略物資レアアースの禁輸措置を取ってからの国際世論は、中国批判オンパレードの感があった。
批判の厳しさは、ノーベル経済学賞を受賞した米プリンストン大のポール・クルーグマン教授が、ニューヨーク・タイムズ紙に寄稿した１０月１８日付コラムの一例をあげるだけで十分だろう。
クルーグマン教授は中国を「ならず者経済超大国」とまで呼び、中国がかつて米国が支配していたレアアースの生産に参入、米国を追い出しただけでなく、米国のレアアース生産設備をそっくり中国へ持ち去ってしまったと、その無法ぶりを克明に記した。批判の矛先は、これを看過した米政策当局者にも向けられていた。
教授の知名度や同氏がシンジケート・コラムニストで、記事が世界中に配信されることなどを考えれば、影響力は計り知れない。中国も内心は「まずい」と思っているのではないだろうか。またそのように思わないとしたら、中国はいよいよ救いがない。
一方、国内では日本外交敗北の声もまたオンパレードだった。たしかにその通りだと思う。
しかし中国も勝利したわけではない。むしろ中国は敗北に大をつけてもよいくらいだ。「平和的台頭」も近年とみに力を入れてきたパブリック・ディプロマシーも、実は中国による中国のためのそれでしかなかったことを、多くの人は知ってしまったのである。
しかも反日デモの続発や日中首脳会談の突然の中止など、その後の一連の出来事は、中国をめぐる内外情勢が容易でないことも物語っている。事態は深刻だ。
とはいえ日本が中国のオウン・ゴールに安心したり、まして喜んだりしている場合ではないことも、もちろんだ。中国は国際世論の指弾を浴びた。けれどそれは日本外交の成果ではまるでない。日本は無策も同然だった。その意味では日本もまた深刻である。
９・２４を教訓とし忘れないために、いくつかの提案をしたい。
日米同盟の重要性が再認識されたことは衆目の一致するところだから、あえて立ち入らない。それを踏まえた上で、日本は今後、外交の多角化と多国間協調に叡知を傾けていくべきである。
去る七月のＡＳＥＡＮ地域フォーラム（ＡＲＦ）で、ＡＳＥＡＮが初めて南シナ海の南沙諸島問題を取り上げたのは良い例である。中国は南沙諸島問題をこれまで一貫して二国間の問題とし、多国間協議の俎上にのせることを拒否してきた。ＡＲＦは提起することで、南シナ海の中国内海化に一定の歯止めをかけるとともに、今後の協議にも道筋をつけた。
誤解なきように言うと、尖閣諸島問題を多国間の場にという提案ではない。レアアースはもとより、労働問題はじめ今後、問題が生じた場合には日中に閉じこめず、相対化、あえて言えば拡散化を図る。中国が案外、国際的な評判を気にしていることも今回、よく分かったからだ。
これは、日中の「戦略的互恵関係」の推進にも合致する。戦略的互恵関係は単なる友好が目的ではない。日中関係を世界の中の日中関係ととらえ、《今や日中両国が、アジア太平洋地域及び世界の平和、安定、発展に対し大きな影響力を有し、厳粛な責任を負っているとの認識で一致した》（「戦略的互恵関係」の包括的推進に関する日中共同声明）ことに意味がある。
《漁船事件での中国の反応は、残念ながら、世界の最新の経済超大国が、その地位にふさわしい責任を引き受ける用意がないことを示すさらなる証拠》（クルーグマン）となった以上、日本は「戦略的互恵関係が重要」とオウム返しするだけでなく、それがなぜ尊重されなければならないのか、中国とともに国際社会にも主張していくことが大事だ。日本は国際場裡での発信があまりにも足りない。
そして日中関係の緊張を再燃させないためには、何と言っても「備えあれば憂いなし」だろう。尖閣諸島はもとより、沖縄や南西諸島の離島防衛を国家の確かな意志として急ぐことである。時間があそれほどあるわけではない。
最後に中国は永遠に日本の隣人である。だからこそ中国とはほどほどの距離（関係）を保つこと。中国大陸には深入りしないー。現代史の教訓をあらためてかみしめたい。
（筆者は産経新聞 特別記者。）
一般社団法人 日本英語交流連盟