"Arab Spring" Pushes the Palestinian Issue to the Surface
KITAMURA Fumio / Journalist
July 4, 2011
The storm that swept across the Arab world left behind a dramatically changed political landscape in the Middle East. The swelling tide of mass protests against authoritarian dictatorship led to the exile of President Zine al-Abidine Ben Ali in Tunisia and President Hosni Mubarak in Egypt, the regional power, and spread further to Libya, Yemen, Syria and Bahrain. Until now, Japan and western countries had pursued a Middle East policy based on the premise that authoritarian governments such as that of President Mubarak were here to stay. They did not imagine that the very foundation of these dictatorships could be shaken.
How were the anonymous masses able to bring down their authoritarian governments? Many observers have noted that mass mobilization was made possible by such "new media" as Twitter and Facebook. Certainly, Information Technology has led to remarkable advances in communication. But the repeated eruption of mass demonstrations is evidence that the Arab people had been nurturing a strong hatred against their rulers, which boiled like magma at the bottom of their hearts. And that magma was fed by anger with their government for its corruption and suppression of free speech, humiliation caused by poverty and a sense of stagnation among the youth who saw no hope in their future. Theirs was not a movement motivated by a specific ideology or political group.
In his New York Times column, Thomas Friedman mentioned a young protester who was waving a placard that declared "I am a man," and wrote that these uprisings were about regaining human dignity. In Cairo's Tahrir Square, over 100,000 people exploded with joy when they learned of Mubarak's resignation. An Egyptian friend was on the scene and reported to me that "the square had become a place of festive celebration for people who had just won back their pride and confidence."
The greatest challenge for the new government in Egypt lies in getting its people to experience the "pride of being Egyptian." Devising concrete measures to do so will be difficult. Self-esteem is not only about guaranteeing minimum living standards. It also involves the psychology and pathos of eliminating discrimination by others. The road ahead seems marked with elements of uncertainty and anxiety. However, one thing is certain – dealing with the Palestinian independence movement will be a major task for the Arab governments.
The Mubarak government followed a policy of voicing support for Palestine's right to self-determination while ignoring the plight and pleas of the Palestinian people through its actions. Israel had been maintaining a military blockade to clamp down on the Gaza Strip, effectively controlled by the militant Palestinian group Hamas. The Mubarak government closed off Egypt's border with southern Gaza, helping Israel's strategy of containment. The United States positioned Egypt at the center of pro-American Arab countries and poured massive military and economic aid. At the same time, the U.S. government continued to give tacit approval to Israel's isolation policy for Gaza.
But in the hearts of the Arab people there is a deep sympathy for the suffering and shame felt by the Palestinians, which seem all too close to home. The tragic fate that has befallen the Palestinian people is seen as a symbol of the hardships faced by the downtrodden Arab masses. In the eyes of these oppressed masses, the Mubarak government must have seemed a disgrace to "Arab dignity." The Palestinian issue is at once a matter of politics as well as emotion.
There was a Middle East expert in Japan who argued that the Arab Spring had nothing to do with the Palestinian cause. However, on May 28 following Mubarak's downfall, the provisional government opened the border with the Gaza Strip and allowed traffic to and from Egypt. They must surely know that the Palestinian issue was indeed part of the underlying magma. Palestinian policy built upon the tacit cooperation between the United States, Egypt and Israel is now in need of serious reconsideration. The new situation created by the Arab Spring has forced the U.S. administration of President Barack Obama to explore an alternative course for its Middle East policy. What President Obama decides to do next will have a decisive impact on the degree of trust placed in the United States by the Arab world.
The writer is a former Professor of Shukutoku University and former London Bureau Chief and Senior Editor of the Yomiuri Shimbun.
How were the anonymous masses able to bring down their authoritarian governments? Many observers have noted that mass mobilization was made possible by such "new media" as Twitter and Facebook. Certainly, Information Technology has led to remarkable advances in communication. But the repeated eruption of mass demonstrations is evidence that the Arab people had been nurturing a strong hatred against their rulers, which boiled like magma at the bottom of their hearts. And that magma was fed by anger with their government for its corruption and suppression of free speech, humiliation caused by poverty and a sense of stagnation among the youth who saw no hope in their future. Theirs was not a movement motivated by a specific ideology or political group.
In his New York Times column, Thomas Friedman mentioned a young protester who was waving a placard that declared "I am a man," and wrote that these uprisings were about regaining human dignity. In Cairo's Tahrir Square, over 100,000 people exploded with joy when they learned of Mubarak's resignation. An Egyptian friend was on the scene and reported to me that "the square had become a place of festive celebration for people who had just won back their pride and confidence."
The greatest challenge for the new government in Egypt lies in getting its people to experience the "pride of being Egyptian." Devising concrete measures to do so will be difficult. Self-esteem is not only about guaranteeing minimum living standards. It also involves the psychology and pathos of eliminating discrimination by others. The road ahead seems marked with elements of uncertainty and anxiety. However, one thing is certain – dealing with the Palestinian independence movement will be a major task for the Arab governments.
The Mubarak government followed a policy of voicing support for Palestine's right to self-determination while ignoring the plight and pleas of the Palestinian people through its actions. Israel had been maintaining a military blockade to clamp down on the Gaza Strip, effectively controlled by the militant Palestinian group Hamas. The Mubarak government closed off Egypt's border with southern Gaza, helping Israel's strategy of containment. The United States positioned Egypt at the center of pro-American Arab countries and poured massive military and economic aid. At the same time, the U.S. government continued to give tacit approval to Israel's isolation policy for Gaza.
But in the hearts of the Arab people there is a deep sympathy for the suffering and shame felt by the Palestinians, which seem all too close to home. The tragic fate that has befallen the Palestinian people is seen as a symbol of the hardships faced by the downtrodden Arab masses. In the eyes of these oppressed masses, the Mubarak government must have seemed a disgrace to "Arab dignity." The Palestinian issue is at once a matter of politics as well as emotion.
There was a Middle East expert in Japan who argued that the Arab Spring had nothing to do with the Palestinian cause. However, on May 28 following Mubarak's downfall, the provisional government opened the border with the Gaza Strip and allowed traffic to and from Egypt. They must surely know that the Palestinian issue was indeed part of the underlying magma. Palestinian policy built upon the tacit cooperation between the United States, Egypt and Israel is now in need of serious reconsideration. The new situation created by the Arab Spring has forced the U.S. administration of President Barack Obama to explore an alternative course for its Middle East policy. What President Obama decides to do next will have a decisive impact on the degree of trust placed in the United States by the Arab world.
The writer is a former Professor of Shukutoku University and former London Bureau Chief and Senior Editor of the Yomiuri Shimbun.
The English-Speaking Union of Japan
「アラブの春」が浮上させたパレスチナ問題
北村文夫 / ジャーナリスト
2011年 7月 4日
アラブ世界を吹き抜ける嵐が、中東の政治地図を激変させた。強権独裁に反対する大群衆のうねりは、チュニジアでべン・アリ大統領を、ついで地域大国エジプトでムバラク大統領を放逐し、さらにリビア、イエメン、シリア、バーレーンなどにも広がった。欧米諸国や日本の中東政策は、ムバラク政権などの権威主義体制の存続を前提として進められてきた。その政権基盤が揺らぐことなどは想定されていなかった。
なぜ無名の群衆が強権支配を打破できたのか。多くの観測者が指摘するのは、ツイッターやフェイスブックなど「新メディア」が大衆動員を可能にさせたことだ。確かに情報技術（ＩＴ）革新によって、交信手段は飛躍的に進歩した。だがまるで地下からわき出るような群衆デモの発生は、人々の心の底で権力者を憎悪するマグマが燃えたぎっていたことを裏付ける。マグマの正体は政権による腐敗や言論弾圧への怒り、おのれの貧しさへの屈辱感、前途に希望を持ち得ない若者の閉塞心理などだった。特定のイデオロギーや政治集団に引っ張られた運動ではなかった。
ニューヨーク・タイムズ紙コラムニストのトーマス・フリードマンは、デモ若者が「おれは人間だ」と大書したプラカードを振り回していたことに注目し、「彼らは人間的尊厳を希求している」と報じた。カイロのタハリール広場では１０万人を越す大群衆がムバラク辞任の知らせに狂喜乱舞した。それを目撃した私のエジプト人友人も「広場は誇りと自信を勝ち取った人々の祝祭空間になった」と伝えてくれた。
エジプト新体制の最大課題は、いかにして「エジプト人としての誇らしさ」を民衆に体感させるかだろう。そのための具体策を打ち出すのは難しい。自尊心とは最低水準の生活保障などだけでなく、他者からの軽侮を排除するという心理と情念の問題でもある。未知と不安の要素を含む前途で、一つだけ確かなことがある。パレスチナ自立運動とどう向き合うかが、アラブ諸政権にとって大きな課題になることだ。
ムバラク政権のパレスチナ対策は、口先ではパレスチナ自決権を支持しながら、現実行動ではパレスチナ人の困窮と悲願を無視してきた。パレスチナ過激派ハマスが実効支配するガザ地区を締め上げるため、イスラエルはガザ地区への軍事封鎖を続けた。ムバラク政権はガザ地区の南部境界線を封鎖し、イスラエルのガザ包囲策を手助けした。米国はエジプトを親米アラブ諸国の中核と位置付け、大量の軍事、経済援助を注ぎ込んだ。それと並行して米政府は、イスラエルによるガザ隔離策を黙認してきた。
だがアラブ民衆の胸中には、パレスチナ人の苦境と恥辱感にわが身を重ね合わせる心情が宿っている。パレスチナ人を翻弄する悲惨な運命は、虐げられたアラブ民衆の苦難の象徴と受け止められている。抑圧された民の目には、ムバラク政権は「アラブの尊厳」に泥を塗る存在と映ったはずだ。パレスチナは政治問題であり、情念の問題でもある。
日本のある中東専門家は、「アラブの春」は「パレスチナの大義」と無関係と論じた。しかしムバラク没落後のエジプト暫定政権は５月２８日、ガザ地区の南部境界線を開放しガザ地区とエジプトの往来を可能にさせた。彼らは表層下のマグマの一つが、パレスチナ問題だったことを熟知しているに違いない。米国、エジプト、イスラエルの暗黙の協力によるパレスチナ対策は、いま深刻な再検討を迫られている。「アラブの春」が生み出した新状況は、オバマ米政権に従来の中東政策に代わる新路線への模索を迫っている。オバマ大統領の次なる決断は、アラブ世界での米国への信頼度を大きく左右するはずだ。
（筆者は元淑徳大学教授、元読売新聞ロンドン総局長、編集委員。）
なぜ無名の群衆が強権支配を打破できたのか。多くの観測者が指摘するのは、ツイッターやフェイスブックなど「新メディア」が大衆動員を可能にさせたことだ。確かに情報技術（ＩＴ）革新によって、交信手段は飛躍的に進歩した。だがまるで地下からわき出るような群衆デモの発生は、人々の心の底で権力者を憎悪するマグマが燃えたぎっていたことを裏付ける。マグマの正体は政権による腐敗や言論弾圧への怒り、おのれの貧しさへの屈辱感、前途に希望を持ち得ない若者の閉塞心理などだった。特定のイデオロギーや政治集団に引っ張られた運動ではなかった。
ニューヨーク・タイムズ紙コラムニストのトーマス・フリードマンは、デモ若者が「おれは人間だ」と大書したプラカードを振り回していたことに注目し、「彼らは人間的尊厳を希求している」と報じた。カイロのタハリール広場では１０万人を越す大群衆がムバラク辞任の知らせに狂喜乱舞した。それを目撃した私のエジプト人友人も「広場は誇りと自信を勝ち取った人々の祝祭空間になった」と伝えてくれた。
エジプト新体制の最大課題は、いかにして「エジプト人としての誇らしさ」を民衆に体感させるかだろう。そのための具体策を打ち出すのは難しい。自尊心とは最低水準の生活保障などだけでなく、他者からの軽侮を排除するという心理と情念の問題でもある。未知と不安の要素を含む前途で、一つだけ確かなことがある。パレスチナ自立運動とどう向き合うかが、アラブ諸政権にとって大きな課題になることだ。
ムバラク政権のパレスチナ対策は、口先ではパレスチナ自決権を支持しながら、現実行動ではパレスチナ人の困窮と悲願を無視してきた。パレスチナ過激派ハマスが実効支配するガザ地区を締め上げるため、イスラエルはガザ地区への軍事封鎖を続けた。ムバラク政権はガザ地区の南部境界線を封鎖し、イスラエルのガザ包囲策を手助けした。米国はエジプトを親米アラブ諸国の中核と位置付け、大量の軍事、経済援助を注ぎ込んだ。それと並行して米政府は、イスラエルによるガザ隔離策を黙認してきた。
だがアラブ民衆の胸中には、パレスチナ人の苦境と恥辱感にわが身を重ね合わせる心情が宿っている。パレスチナ人を翻弄する悲惨な運命は、虐げられたアラブ民衆の苦難の象徴と受け止められている。抑圧された民の目には、ムバラク政権は「アラブの尊厳」に泥を塗る存在と映ったはずだ。パレスチナは政治問題であり、情念の問題でもある。
日本のある中東専門家は、「アラブの春」は「パレスチナの大義」と無関係と論じた。しかしムバラク没落後のエジプト暫定政権は５月２８日、ガザ地区の南部境界線を開放しガザ地区とエジプトの往来を可能にさせた。彼らは表層下のマグマの一つが、パレスチナ問題だったことを熟知しているに違いない。米国、エジプト、イスラエルの暗黙の協力によるパレスチナ対策は、いま深刻な再検討を迫られている。「アラブの春」が生み出した新状況は、オバマ米政権に従来の中東政策に代わる新路線への模索を迫っている。オバマ大統領の次なる決断は、アラブ世界での米国への信頼度を大きく左右するはずだ。
（筆者は元淑徳大学教授、元読売新聞ロンドン総局長、編集委員。）
一般社団法人 日本英語交流連盟