A Letter to My Friend in Israel
KITAMURA Fumio / Journalist
September 22, 2011
Dear David,
More than two decades have passed since I enjoyed conversing with you in Jerusalem, in Tokyo, in New York and elsewhere. At the time, I was reporting on international news for a national paper in Japan, and you were an elite bureaucrat of the Israeli foreign ministry. While we have both been relieved of our busy professional obligations several years ago, I still have vivid memories of our happy meeting.
Particularly unforgettable was the dedicated cooperation I received from you during my long reporting trip to Israel in the late 1980’s. A good third of my schedule involved interviewing politicians, journalists, academics and peace activists who were critical of government policy. You took on the trouble of bargaining with the Ministry of Information and with various organizations, fulfilling all my wishes in the end. I experienced firsthand the reality of “press freedom” in which your country took such pride. This was in sharp contrast with the inconvenience I experienced in Israel’s neighboring countries.
I am sending you this letter after a long absence because the year 2011finds both Israel and Japan facing major challenges. Japan was hit by the Great East Japan Earthquake, in which a magnitude-9 class earthquake and massive tsunami caused devastating damage to the Tohoku region. And we are still suffering from the dispersion of radioactive substances caused by the meltdown of radioactive fuel rods at the Fukushima Daiichi Nuclear Power Plant.
In the Middle East, turbulent events of the Arab Spring have led to the collapse of the pro-U.S. government in Egypt, and concurrent with such changes in the regional situation, the Palestinian Authority is preparing a declaration of statehood. Meanwhile, there is mounting international opposition to an expansion in Israeli settlement of the West Bank of the River Jordan, a territory occupied by Israel since the Six-Day War. I believe the course of Israel’s future depends on its response to this new situation.
On September 16, Mahmoud Abbas, the President of the Palestinian National Authority, formally announced that the “State of Palestine” will apply for United Nations membership. The United States has warned it will veto the application in the Security Council. However, if the Palestinians present their proposal for statehood to the U.N. General Assembly, it is expected to receive a vote of support that far exceeds the majority. Such an outcome will clearly demonstrate the isolated position in which Israel and the United States find themselves within the international community.
Israel must have its justifications for constructing settlements in the West Bank, including its claim that the land represents the “Eretz Yisrael” promised by god in the Old Testament, or its need to maintain some areas in the West Bank as a strategic zone of national security. However, the West Bank has been home to the Palestinian people for hundreds of years. And there is no way to hide the fact that Israel has been applying overwhelming military force to prevent the sense of humiliation and repulsion felt by the Palestinian people from exploding into the open.
While I am fully aware of the dangers inherent in making simple comparisons, I would like to offer Japan’s own experience. Japan lost its colonies including the Korean Peninsula and Taiwan after its defeat in World War II. I imagine that if Japan had maintained these colonies, and if it had continued to effectively control its puppet state of Manchuria, Japan would have found itself at the mercy of violent resistance from local inhabitants. Japan, which was supposedly reborn as a “pacifist nation” after the war, would have been unable to follow the path of economic recovery to subsequent prosperity. I believe the loss of the colonies and puppet state had indeed been a “blessing in disguise” sent from the heavens for Japan.
In another example, the action taken by French President Charles de Gaulle to end the war in Algeria was a wise decision that evidenced his insight into the changing tide of history. Seeking to revitalize his country, de Gaulle sent regular troops to Algeria to suppress resentment and recalcitrance among local French elements that insisted on maintaining control over Algeria. If France had remained entangled in the Algerian fight for independence, it would have fallen into a quagmire of deepening confusion and a continuous string of bloody incidents. No matter what kind of logic is invocated to justify the act, one who seeks to control by force a land long- inhabited by others must brace against the repulsion, hatred and resistance of the local populace.
I beseech you to please stop constructing further settlements in the West Bank as the first step toward reconciliation through dialogue with the Palestinians. It pains me that my letter to you in a while must contain such bitter words. In Japan, we heed the following maxim: Bitters do good to the stomach. I would be gratified if you could read this letter as a sign of friendship from a good Japanese friend.
The writer is a former Professor of Shukutoku University and former London Bureau Chief and Senior Editor of the Yomiuri Shimbun.
More than two decades have passed since I enjoyed conversing with you in Jerusalem, in Tokyo, in New York and elsewhere. At the time, I was reporting on international news for a national paper in Japan, and you were an elite bureaucrat of the Israeli foreign ministry. While we have both been relieved of our busy professional obligations several years ago, I still have vivid memories of our happy meeting.
Particularly unforgettable was the dedicated cooperation I received from you during my long reporting trip to Israel in the late 1980’s. A good third of my schedule involved interviewing politicians, journalists, academics and peace activists who were critical of government policy. You took on the trouble of bargaining with the Ministry of Information and with various organizations, fulfilling all my wishes in the end. I experienced firsthand the reality of “press freedom” in which your country took such pride. This was in sharp contrast with the inconvenience I experienced in Israel’s neighboring countries.
I am sending you this letter after a long absence because the year 2011finds both Israel and Japan facing major challenges. Japan was hit by the Great East Japan Earthquake, in which a magnitude-9 class earthquake and massive tsunami caused devastating damage to the Tohoku region. And we are still suffering from the dispersion of radioactive substances caused by the meltdown of radioactive fuel rods at the Fukushima Daiichi Nuclear Power Plant.
In the Middle East, turbulent events of the Arab Spring have led to the collapse of the pro-U.S. government in Egypt, and concurrent with such changes in the regional situation, the Palestinian Authority is preparing a declaration of statehood. Meanwhile, there is mounting international opposition to an expansion in Israeli settlement of the West Bank of the River Jordan, a territory occupied by Israel since the Six-Day War. I believe the course of Israel’s future depends on its response to this new situation.
On September 16, Mahmoud Abbas, the President of the Palestinian National Authority, formally announced that the “State of Palestine” will apply for United Nations membership. The United States has warned it will veto the application in the Security Council. However, if the Palestinians present their proposal for statehood to the U.N. General Assembly, it is expected to receive a vote of support that far exceeds the majority. Such an outcome will clearly demonstrate the isolated position in which Israel and the United States find themselves within the international community.
Israel must have its justifications for constructing settlements in the West Bank, including its claim that the land represents the “Eretz Yisrael” promised by god in the Old Testament, or its need to maintain some areas in the West Bank as a strategic zone of national security. However, the West Bank has been home to the Palestinian people for hundreds of years. And there is no way to hide the fact that Israel has been applying overwhelming military force to prevent the sense of humiliation and repulsion felt by the Palestinian people from exploding into the open.
While I am fully aware of the dangers inherent in making simple comparisons, I would like to offer Japan’s own experience. Japan lost its colonies including the Korean Peninsula and Taiwan after its defeat in World War II. I imagine that if Japan had maintained these colonies, and if it had continued to effectively control its puppet state of Manchuria, Japan would have found itself at the mercy of violent resistance from local inhabitants. Japan, which was supposedly reborn as a “pacifist nation” after the war, would have been unable to follow the path of economic recovery to subsequent prosperity. I believe the loss of the colonies and puppet state had indeed been a “blessing in disguise” sent from the heavens for Japan.
In another example, the action taken by French President Charles de Gaulle to end the war in Algeria was a wise decision that evidenced his insight into the changing tide of history. Seeking to revitalize his country, de Gaulle sent regular troops to Algeria to suppress resentment and recalcitrance among local French elements that insisted on maintaining control over Algeria. If France had remained entangled in the Algerian fight for independence, it would have fallen into a quagmire of deepening confusion and a continuous string of bloody incidents. No matter what kind of logic is invocated to justify the act, one who seeks to control by force a land long- inhabited by others must brace against the repulsion, hatred and resistance of the local populace.
I beseech you to please stop constructing further settlements in the West Bank as the first step toward reconciliation through dialogue with the Palestinians. It pains me that my letter to you in a while must contain such bitter words. In Japan, we heed the following maxim: Bitters do good to the stomach. I would be gratified if you could read this letter as a sign of friendship from a good Japanese friend.
The writer is a former Professor of Shukutoku University and former London Bureau Chief and Senior Editor of the Yomiuri Shimbun.
The English-Speaking Union of Japan
イスラエルの友人への手紙
北村文夫 / ジャーナリスト
2011年 9月 22日
親愛なるデービッドさん
エルサレム、東京、ニューヨークなどで、楽しいおしゃべりに興じてから２０年以上が過ぎました。そのころ私は日本の全国紙で国際ニュースを担当し、あなたはイスラエル外務省のエリート官僚でした。二人とも数年前に忙しい職業責務から解放されましたが、私の脳裏にはあなたとの幸運な巡り会いの記憶がいまも鮮明に残っています。
ことに忘れ難いのは、１９８０年代後半、イスラエルへの長期取材の際にあなたから頂戴した献身的な協力です。私が期待する取材日程のほぼ３分の１は、政府方針を指弾する政治家、ジャーナリスト、学者、平和運動家などとの会見でした。あなたは情報省や諸団体と掛け合い、私の希望はすべてかなえられました。貴国が自負する「報道の自由」の実態を体験できました。イスラエルの近隣諸国で味わった不自由さとは対象的でした。
突然の便りを差し上げるのは、２０１１年にイスラエルと日本が重大な試練を突き付けられているからです。東日本大震災に直撃された日本では、Ｍ９規模の巨大地震とそれが引き起こした巨大津浪で東北地方が壊滅的な被害をこうむり、さらに燃料棒メルトダウンがもたらす放射線物資放散に苦しみ続けています。中東では「アラブの春」の激動でエジプトなどの親米政権が崩壊し、地域情勢の変化と並行してパレスチナ自治政府は国家樹立宣言を計画しています。１９６７年戦争以来イスラエル占領下にあるヨルダン川西岸へのユダヤ人入植地については、その増設中止を求める国際世論が高まりつつあります。この新状況にどう対応するかで、イスラエルの将来は大きく左右されるでしょう。
アッパス・パレスチナ自治政府議長は9月16日、「パレスチナ国家」の国連加盟を申請すると正式に発表しました。米国は安保理でこの申請案に拒否権を行使すると予告しています。しかしパレスチナ側が国家樹立案を国連総会に提出すれば、過半数をはるかに上回る支持を受け、国際社会でのイスラエルと米国の孤立化が明白になるでしょう。
西岸への入植地建設をめぐっては、イスラエルなりの正当化論理があることでしょう。旧約聖書によって神が約束してくれた「エルツ・イスラエル」という主張、あるいは自国の安全保障への要衝としての西岸拠点の保持などでしょう。しかし西岸は数百年にわたるパレスチナ人の居住地域です。イスラエルが圧倒的な軍事力で、パレスチナ人の屈辱感と反発の暴発を封じ込めている事実は隠しようがありません。
ものごとを単純に比較する危険性を承知したうえで、日本の経験を紹介したいと思います。日本は第２次大戦の敗北で朝鮮半島、台湾などの植民地を失いました。もし日本がいまもこれら旧植民地を保持し、さらに傀儡国家の満州国の実質支配を続けていたなら、そこに住む人々からの激しい抵抗に翻弄され、「平和国家」として生まれ変わったはずの日本も経済復興から繁栄への道を歩むことはできなかったでしょう。私は植民地と傀儡国家の喪失は、天が与えてくれた「仮面をかぶった祝福」のように思います。
またアルジェリア戦争終結に踏み切ったドゴール仏大統領の行動は、歴史の流れへの彼の洞察力を示す英断でした。ドゴール大統領はフランス再生のために、正規軍を派遣してアルジェリア支配に固執する現地フランス人の憤懣と反抗を押さえ込みました。アルジェリア人の独立抗争を抱え込んだままなら、フランスは深い混乱と相次ぐ流血事件のアリ地獄に落ち込んでいたはずです。どんな論理を援用しようとも、他者が住み着いた土地を力で支配する者は、被支配者からの反発、憎悪、抵抗を覚悟せねばなりません。
パレスチナ人との話し合いから和解への第一歩として、ぜひとも西岸への入植地増設を止めてください。懐かしいデービッドさんへの久しぶりの便りが、このような内容になったことを心苦しく思っています。日本には「良薬 口に苦し」という格言があります。日本の友人からの友情の証しとして、この手紙を読んでくだされば嬉しいです。
（筆者は元淑徳大学教授、元読売新聞ロンドン総局長、編集委員。）
エルサレム、東京、ニューヨークなどで、楽しいおしゃべりに興じてから２０年以上が過ぎました。そのころ私は日本の全国紙で国際ニュースを担当し、あなたはイスラエル外務省のエリート官僚でした。二人とも数年前に忙しい職業責務から解放されましたが、私の脳裏にはあなたとの幸運な巡り会いの記憶がいまも鮮明に残っています。
ことに忘れ難いのは、１９８０年代後半、イスラエルへの長期取材の際にあなたから頂戴した献身的な協力です。私が期待する取材日程のほぼ３分の１は、政府方針を指弾する政治家、ジャーナリスト、学者、平和運動家などとの会見でした。あなたは情報省や諸団体と掛け合い、私の希望はすべてかなえられました。貴国が自負する「報道の自由」の実態を体験できました。イスラエルの近隣諸国で味わった不自由さとは対象的でした。
突然の便りを差し上げるのは、２０１１年にイスラエルと日本が重大な試練を突き付けられているからです。東日本大震災に直撃された日本では、Ｍ９規模の巨大地震とそれが引き起こした巨大津浪で東北地方が壊滅的な被害をこうむり、さらに燃料棒メルトダウンがもたらす放射線物資放散に苦しみ続けています。中東では「アラブの春」の激動でエジプトなどの親米政権が崩壊し、地域情勢の変化と並行してパレスチナ自治政府は国家樹立宣言を計画しています。１９６７年戦争以来イスラエル占領下にあるヨルダン川西岸へのユダヤ人入植地については、その増設中止を求める国際世論が高まりつつあります。この新状況にどう対応するかで、イスラエルの将来は大きく左右されるでしょう。
アッパス・パレスチナ自治政府議長は9月16日、「パレスチナ国家」の国連加盟を申請すると正式に発表しました。米国は安保理でこの申請案に拒否権を行使すると予告しています。しかしパレスチナ側が国家樹立案を国連総会に提出すれば、過半数をはるかに上回る支持を受け、国際社会でのイスラエルと米国の孤立化が明白になるでしょう。
西岸への入植地建設をめぐっては、イスラエルなりの正当化論理があることでしょう。旧約聖書によって神が約束してくれた「エルツ・イスラエル」という主張、あるいは自国の安全保障への要衝としての西岸拠点の保持などでしょう。しかし西岸は数百年にわたるパレスチナ人の居住地域です。イスラエルが圧倒的な軍事力で、パレスチナ人の屈辱感と反発の暴発を封じ込めている事実は隠しようがありません。
ものごとを単純に比較する危険性を承知したうえで、日本の経験を紹介したいと思います。日本は第２次大戦の敗北で朝鮮半島、台湾などの植民地を失いました。もし日本がいまもこれら旧植民地を保持し、さらに傀儡国家の満州国の実質支配を続けていたなら、そこに住む人々からの激しい抵抗に翻弄され、「平和国家」として生まれ変わったはずの日本も経済復興から繁栄への道を歩むことはできなかったでしょう。私は植民地と傀儡国家の喪失は、天が与えてくれた「仮面をかぶった祝福」のように思います。
またアルジェリア戦争終結に踏み切ったドゴール仏大統領の行動は、歴史の流れへの彼の洞察力を示す英断でした。ドゴール大統領はフランス再生のために、正規軍を派遣してアルジェリア支配に固執する現地フランス人の憤懣と反抗を押さえ込みました。アルジェリア人の独立抗争を抱え込んだままなら、フランスは深い混乱と相次ぐ流血事件のアリ地獄に落ち込んでいたはずです。どんな論理を援用しようとも、他者が住み着いた土地を力で支配する者は、被支配者からの反発、憎悪、抵抗を覚悟せねばなりません。
パレスチナ人との話し合いから和解への第一歩として、ぜひとも西岸への入植地増設を止めてください。懐かしいデービッドさんへの久しぶりの便りが、このような内容になったことを心苦しく思っています。日本には「良薬 口に苦し」という格言があります。日本の友人からの友情の証しとして、この手紙を読んでくだされば嬉しいです。
（筆者は元淑徳大学教授、元読売新聞ロンドン総局長、編集委員。）
一般社団法人 日本英語交流連盟