The Need to Listen Carefully to the Voice of Okinawa
OGAWA Tadashi / Director General, The Japan Foundation, Jakarta
December 7, 2012
The U.S. military government that ruled Okinawa for 27 years after World War II founded the University of the Ryukyus(RU) in 1950 to deal with intellectuals out of its need to fight the Cold War. The Department of the Army signed a consignment contract with Michigan State College(then), which dispatched an aggregate total of 51 faculty members to RU as advisors from 1951 to 1968. The advisory body continued to send regular reports to the U.S. Civil Administration of the Ryukyu Islands(USCAR), and also covertly reported on campus activity such as the student movement.
Documents on these activities lay dormant in the Michigan State University library until Professor Katsunori Yamazato and others at RU discovered them and brought them back to Okinawa. In recent years, the Okinawa Prefectural Archives began disclosing the documents, providing access to materials on U.S. public diplomacy in Okinawa that had been difficult to obtain. Professor Yamazato's empirical studies are based on these documents, and they prompt us to reexamine our conventional views on the academic and cultural history of Okinawa.
Building on Professor Yamazato's work, I have been privately studying U.S. public diplomacy in Okinawa myself. I believe the aim of the U.S. government in establishing Ryukyu University can be summarized into the following three points.
(1) To prevent communist ideology from penetrating Okinawa, the keystone of U.S. military strategy in Asia, and to nurture pro-U.S. sentiment by spreading American values such as liberalism and democracy.
(2) To nurture a consciousness among Oklinawans that "Okinawa is not part of Japan" by emphasizing the uniqueness of "Ryukyu" culture and its difference from Japanese culture, and promoting traditional culture and arts to perpetuate U.S. rule over Okinawa. Here, the agenda was to promote separatist sentiment from Japan and to sedate the "reversion to the mainland" movement.
(3) To enhance efficient administration in Okinawa by cultivating native Okinawan administrators, engineers and educators who would assist U.S. military rule.
Yet, by no means did intellectuals and young people in Okinawa swallow whole the policies of their American military rulers. For example, in 1956 RU expelled six students who participated in the movement against U.S. bases for expressing "discriminatory remarks against the United States." University authorities changed their original decision to suspend the students and instead adopted the strictest punishment of expulsion, and Professor Yamazato was able to confirm that pressure from the USCAR had indeed affected the course of events. Documents show how the rector at the time resisted in the face of insistent demands for expulsion from the U.S. military authorities in an effort to water down the punishment. In 2007, the university restored the honor of those students by annulling the expulsion, which was a "revision of history" that warrants closer attention.
Moreover, the U.S. policy of promoting "Ryukyu" as a distinct cultural identity had the unintended effect on the people of Okinawa, of dispelling their sense of inferiority towards the mainland that was instilled by the "assimilation policy" administered by Japan in the prewar period. It planted the seeds of self-esteem in Okinawa and gave its people the ability to resist anyone who violates that sense of pride. Today, Okinawa is being rocked by the deployment of the U.S. Forces' Osprey vertical takeoff and landing transport aircraft and the gang rape of Okinawan women committed by U.S. soldiers, and they say there is now talk of an "independent Ryukyu." Ironically, U.S. policy during the postwar occupation may be heavily reflected in this development.
Having experienced a savage war, the people of Okinawa have continuously asked themselves the fundamental question of "What Okinawa means" in the postwar world, as the United States, Japan and China vied for power. Now is the time for mainland Japanese to make a sincere effort and come face to face with the endeavors of the people of Okinawa.
Tadashi Ogawa is Director General of the Japan Foundation, Jakarta. This is a summarized version of an article that first appeared in the “Opinions” section of the Mainichi Shimbun newspaper on October 29, 2012, reproduced with permission of the writer.
Documents on these activities lay dormant in the Michigan State University library until Professor Katsunori Yamazato and others at RU discovered them and brought them back to Okinawa. In recent years, the Okinawa Prefectural Archives began disclosing the documents, providing access to materials on U.S. public diplomacy in Okinawa that had been difficult to obtain. Professor Yamazato's empirical studies are based on these documents, and they prompt us to reexamine our conventional views on the academic and cultural history of Okinawa.
Building on Professor Yamazato's work, I have been privately studying U.S. public diplomacy in Okinawa myself. I believe the aim of the U.S. government in establishing Ryukyu University can be summarized into the following three points.
(1) To prevent communist ideology from penetrating Okinawa, the keystone of U.S. military strategy in Asia, and to nurture pro-U.S. sentiment by spreading American values such as liberalism and democracy.
(2) To nurture a consciousness among Oklinawans that "Okinawa is not part of Japan" by emphasizing the uniqueness of "Ryukyu" culture and its difference from Japanese culture, and promoting traditional culture and arts to perpetuate U.S. rule over Okinawa. Here, the agenda was to promote separatist sentiment from Japan and to sedate the "reversion to the mainland" movement.
(3) To enhance efficient administration in Okinawa by cultivating native Okinawan administrators, engineers and educators who would assist U.S. military rule.
Yet, by no means did intellectuals and young people in Okinawa swallow whole the policies of their American military rulers. For example, in 1956 RU expelled six students who participated in the movement against U.S. bases for expressing "discriminatory remarks against the United States." University authorities changed their original decision to suspend the students and instead adopted the strictest punishment of expulsion, and Professor Yamazato was able to confirm that pressure from the USCAR had indeed affected the course of events. Documents show how the rector at the time resisted in the face of insistent demands for expulsion from the U.S. military authorities in an effort to water down the punishment. In 2007, the university restored the honor of those students by annulling the expulsion, which was a "revision of history" that warrants closer attention.
Moreover, the U.S. policy of promoting "Ryukyu" as a distinct cultural identity had the unintended effect on the people of Okinawa, of dispelling their sense of inferiority towards the mainland that was instilled by the "assimilation policy" administered by Japan in the prewar period. It planted the seeds of self-esteem in Okinawa and gave its people the ability to resist anyone who violates that sense of pride. Today, Okinawa is being rocked by the deployment of the U.S. Forces' Osprey vertical takeoff and landing transport aircraft and the gang rape of Okinawan women committed by U.S. soldiers, and they say there is now talk of an "independent Ryukyu." Ironically, U.S. policy during the postwar occupation may be heavily reflected in this development.
Having experienced a savage war, the people of Okinawa have continuously asked themselves the fundamental question of "What Okinawa means" in the postwar world, as the United States, Japan and China vied for power. Now is the time for mainland Japanese to make a sincere effort and come face to face with the endeavors of the people of Okinawa.
Tadashi Ogawa is Director General of the Japan Foundation, Jakarta. This is a summarized version of an article that first appeared in the “Opinions” section of the Mainichi Shimbun newspaper on October 29, 2012, reproduced with permission of the writer.
The English-Speaking Union of Japan
沖縄の声に真摯に耳を傾けよう
小川 忠 / 国際交流基金ジャカルタ日本文化センター所長
2012年 12月 7日
戦後27年間、沖縄を支配した米軍政は冷戦を戦う必要上、知識人対策として１９５０年に琉球大を創設した。米陸軍省は米ミシガン州立大と委託契約を結び、教員延べ51人を51年から68年まで顧問団として琉球大に派遣した。顧問団は、大学本部や陸軍省、そして沖縄の米軍政当局に向けて、定期的に報告書を送り続けたほか、学生運動など学内動向を秘密裏に報告していた。1
ミシガン州立大の図書館に眠っていた、そうした資料を琉球大の山里勝己教授らが発掘し、沖縄に持ち帰った。近年、沖縄県公文書館が公開を始めたことで従来、入手困難だった米国の沖縄施政、文化戦略の内実を伝える資料群に触れることができるようになった。上記資料に基づく山里教授による実証的な研究は、従来の沖縄学術史・文化史の見直しを迫るものだ。
私は山里教授の研究をふまえ、米国の沖縄文化戦略を個人の立場で研究している。米軍政が琉球大を創設した狙いは３点に要約できる。
一、米国の対アジア軍事戦略の要である沖縄に共産主義イデオロギーが浸透するのを阻止し、自由主義・民主主義などの米国的価値を普及し、親米感情を醸成すること。
二、沖縄の統治を永続させるため日本と異なる「琉球」文化の独自性を強調し、伝統文化・芸能を奨励して「沖縄は日本ではない」という意識を沖縄に醸成すること。ここには日本への同化意識を抑制し、本土への復帰運動の鎮静化を図る意図があった。
三、沖縄統治を効率化するために、米軍政を補助する沖縄人の行政官僚や技術者、教育者を育成すること。
しかし、沖縄の知識人・青年は、米軍政の政策を唯々諾々と受け入れるだけの存在ではなかった。例えば56年、琉球大は米軍基地反対闘争に参加した学生が「反米的言辞」をなしたとして６人を除籍処分にした。当初、謹慎処分と決めていた大学当局が除籍という厳罰に変更したのには、米軍政の圧力があったことが山里教授によって確認された。退学処分を強硬に迫る米軍政当局に対して、それを骨抜きにすべく抵抗した当時の学長の姿が資料から見いだせる。２００７年、大学が除籍処分を取り消し、学生の名誉回復措置を取ったことは、もっと注目されてもよい「歴史の見直し」である。
さらに「琉球」の文化的独自性を奨励した米国の政策は、意図せざる結果として、戦前日本が「同化政策」によってもたらした本土への劣等感を払拭させた。自らへの「誇り」を沖縄に植えつけ、その「誇り」を侵す者への抵抗力を身につけさせた。米軍垂直離着陸輸送機オスプレイの配備、米兵集団女性暴行事件で揺れる沖縄では最近、「琉球独立論」も語られ始めているという。ここには皮肉にも米国の戦後沖縄占領政策が色濃く投影している可能性がある。
苛烈な戦争を経験した沖縄の人々は、戦後の米国、日本、中国のせめぎ合いのなかで「沖縄とは何か」という根本的な問いを自問してきた。その営為に、今こそ本土の人間はもっと真摯に向き合うべきだ。
（筆者は国際交流基金ジャカルタ日本文化センター所長。本稿は２０１２年１０月２９日の毎日新聞「発言」に掲載された記事の、筆者の了承を得た要約である。）
ミシガン州立大の図書館に眠っていた、そうした資料を琉球大の山里勝己教授らが発掘し、沖縄に持ち帰った。近年、沖縄県公文書館が公開を始めたことで従来、入手困難だった米国の沖縄施政、文化戦略の内実を伝える資料群に触れることができるようになった。上記資料に基づく山里教授による実証的な研究は、従来の沖縄学術史・文化史の見直しを迫るものだ。
私は山里教授の研究をふまえ、米国の沖縄文化戦略を個人の立場で研究している。米軍政が琉球大を創設した狙いは３点に要約できる。
一、米国の対アジア軍事戦略の要である沖縄に共産主義イデオロギーが浸透するのを阻止し、自由主義・民主主義などの米国的価値を普及し、親米感情を醸成すること。
二、沖縄の統治を永続させるため日本と異なる「琉球」文化の独自性を強調し、伝統文化・芸能を奨励して「沖縄は日本ではない」という意識を沖縄に醸成すること。ここには日本への同化意識を抑制し、本土への復帰運動の鎮静化を図る意図があった。
三、沖縄統治を効率化するために、米軍政を補助する沖縄人の行政官僚や技術者、教育者を育成すること。
しかし、沖縄の知識人・青年は、米軍政の政策を唯々諾々と受け入れるだけの存在ではなかった。例えば56年、琉球大は米軍基地反対闘争に参加した学生が「反米的言辞」をなしたとして６人を除籍処分にした。当初、謹慎処分と決めていた大学当局が除籍という厳罰に変更したのには、米軍政の圧力があったことが山里教授によって確認された。退学処分を強硬に迫る米軍政当局に対して、それを骨抜きにすべく抵抗した当時の学長の姿が資料から見いだせる。２００７年、大学が除籍処分を取り消し、学生の名誉回復措置を取ったことは、もっと注目されてもよい「歴史の見直し」である。
さらに「琉球」の文化的独自性を奨励した米国の政策は、意図せざる結果として、戦前日本が「同化政策」によってもたらした本土への劣等感を払拭させた。自らへの「誇り」を沖縄に植えつけ、その「誇り」を侵す者への抵抗力を身につけさせた。米軍垂直離着陸輸送機オスプレイの配備、米兵集団女性暴行事件で揺れる沖縄では最近、「琉球独立論」も語られ始めているという。ここには皮肉にも米国の戦後沖縄占領政策が色濃く投影している可能性がある。
苛烈な戦争を経験した沖縄の人々は、戦後の米国、日本、中国のせめぎ合いのなかで「沖縄とは何か」という根本的な問いを自問してきた。その営為に、今こそ本土の人間はもっと真摯に向き合うべきだ。
（筆者は国際交流基金ジャカルタ日本文化センター所長。本稿は２０１２年１０月２９日の毎日新聞「発言」に掲載された記事の、筆者の了承を得た要約である。）
一般社団法人 日本英語交流連盟