We Must Mitigate the Frictions Caused by Xenophobia
IWAMA Yoko / Professor, National Graduate Institute for Policy Studies
March 3, 2017
Recent political phenomena such as Brexit and Donald Trump’s electoral victory in the United States had been a form of protest against the ruling elite, who had failed to recognize the discontent felt by a considerable portion of the populace. “Populism” is a word that is dogged by negative connotations, but as far as democracy goes it is only natural that when people become dissatisfied, they demand to be heard. If we were to fool ourselves by simply attaching a “populist” label to the phenomena, we would misread the true issues at stake.
As a backlash to the rapid advance of globalization that began in the 1990s, we saw an outburst of popular sentiment seeking a “return to the old ways” in both the UK referendum and the US presidential election. But we can’t turn the clock backwards. More often than not, the populist camp looks only to the past in setting their agenda, offering nothing but an illusion and making it seem as though shutting out immigrants and quitting free trade would bring back manufacturing and jobs back home.
Yet, it is also true that people harbor a deep mistrust of the current political elite. In Europe this year, general elections are scheduled to take place in the Netherlands and Germany, while France will hold a presidential election. These countries will hold elections under the same circumstances, in the sense that expectations run high for non-establishment candidates. Even in Germany, where its Nazi past has made its people extra vigilant against xenophobia and populism, right-wing parties are enjoying a renewed vigor. Although change will come in varying degrees due to differences in the respective electoral systems of each country, if right-wing parties were to capture a significant portion of the protest vote, it would have a destabilizing effect on European politics.
In my view, this is the biggest crisis the world has faced since the 1930s. The global movement of goods and money accelerated rapidly at the end of the 19th century. The rise of mass media such as newspapers and radio was accompanied by an expansion in railway networks and trans-continental shipping routes, which triggered the global movement of people. All kinds of social anxiety emerged in the form of racism. And as the stock market bubble burst in the United States, the political elites at the time were unable to prevent the chain reaction of fear, which eventually led to the rise of fascism.
Today, with the spread of the Internet and proliferation of mobile devices, information travels instantly, causing events such as the influx of millions of immigrants into Germany in the span of only several months. In terms of the sea change that has occurred in the way people think and act, the current situation is similar in quality to the 1920s. And precisely for that reason, I hope what follows will not be the same. We must do more than just opposing xenophobia; we must get to the root of the crisis and give serious thought to what solutions there may be.
In Europe, where there is a strong sense of insecurity towards social change and fear of terrorism, xenophobia has become a fixture within party politics. In such a social climate, the only political solution is to temporarily slow down the flow of immigrants into the country and wait for society to calm down. Adjustments must be made for accepting the groups of people that would cause the least cultural friction, in a manner that would cause the least friction. Unless prompt action is taken, the spread of xenophobia could escalate.
As a general trend, advanced countries faced with declining populations cannot avoid accepting foreign labor. Having evaded this issue until now, it is Japan’s turn to take half a step forward and open its door to foreign workers by considering ways to mitigate frictions caused by differences in culture, religion and customs. Japan should start implementing policies aimed at social integration before it is too late.
Yoko Iwama is Professor at the National Graduate Institute for Policy Studies. This article is a summary of an interview published by the Mainichi Shimbun newspaper on January 18, 2017.
As a backlash to the rapid advance of globalization that began in the 1990s, we saw an outburst of popular sentiment seeking a “return to the old ways” in both the UK referendum and the US presidential election. But we can’t turn the clock backwards. More often than not, the populist camp looks only to the past in setting their agenda, offering nothing but an illusion and making it seem as though shutting out immigrants and quitting free trade would bring back manufacturing and jobs back home.
Yet, it is also true that people harbor a deep mistrust of the current political elite. In Europe this year, general elections are scheduled to take place in the Netherlands and Germany, while France will hold a presidential election. These countries will hold elections under the same circumstances, in the sense that expectations run high for non-establishment candidates. Even in Germany, where its Nazi past has made its people extra vigilant against xenophobia and populism, right-wing parties are enjoying a renewed vigor. Although change will come in varying degrees due to differences in the respective electoral systems of each country, if right-wing parties were to capture a significant portion of the protest vote, it would have a destabilizing effect on European politics.
In my view, this is the biggest crisis the world has faced since the 1930s. The global movement of goods and money accelerated rapidly at the end of the 19th century. The rise of mass media such as newspapers and radio was accompanied by an expansion in railway networks and trans-continental shipping routes, which triggered the global movement of people. All kinds of social anxiety emerged in the form of racism. And as the stock market bubble burst in the United States, the political elites at the time were unable to prevent the chain reaction of fear, which eventually led to the rise of fascism.
Today, with the spread of the Internet and proliferation of mobile devices, information travels instantly, causing events such as the influx of millions of immigrants into Germany in the span of only several months. In terms of the sea change that has occurred in the way people think and act, the current situation is similar in quality to the 1920s. And precisely for that reason, I hope what follows will not be the same. We must do more than just opposing xenophobia; we must get to the root of the crisis and give serious thought to what solutions there may be.
In Europe, where there is a strong sense of insecurity towards social change and fear of terrorism, xenophobia has become a fixture within party politics. In such a social climate, the only political solution is to temporarily slow down the flow of immigrants into the country and wait for society to calm down. Adjustments must be made for accepting the groups of people that would cause the least cultural friction, in a manner that would cause the least friction. Unless prompt action is taken, the spread of xenophobia could escalate.
As a general trend, advanced countries faced with declining populations cannot avoid accepting foreign labor. Having evaded this issue until now, it is Japan’s turn to take half a step forward and open its door to foreign workers by considering ways to mitigate frictions caused by differences in culture, religion and customs. Japan should start implementing policies aimed at social integration before it is too late.
Yoko Iwama is Professor at the National Graduate Institute for Policy Studies. This article is a summary of an interview published by the Mainichi Shimbun newspaper on January 18, 2017.
The English-Speaking Union of Japan
排外主義の起こす摩擦に取り組むべし
岩間陽子 / 政策研究大学院大教授
2017年 3月 3日
ブレグジットやトランプ氏当選などの政治現象は、国民の一定数の不満をエリート層が認識できなかったことへの抗議だったといえる。ポピュリズムという言葉にはネガティブなニュアンスがつきまとうが、民主主義である以上、人々が大きな不満を抱けばそれを表明するのは当然であり、ポピュリズムというレッテルを貼るだけでは問題の本質を見誤る。
１９９０年代から急速に進んだグローバリゼーションへの反動として、英国国民投票でも米大統領選でも「昔のような社会に戻りたい」という感情が噴き出した。だが時計を逆戻りさせることはできない。ポピュリスト側はたいてい後ろ向きのアジェンダしか設定できておらず、移民を閉め出して自由貿易をやめれば国内に製造業と雇用が戻ってくるかのような幻想を与えているにすぎない。
だが、既存の政治エリートには人々は根深い不信感を抱いている。欧州では今年、オランダやドイツの総選挙、フランス大統領選などがあるが、非エスタブリッシュメントへの期待が集まる状況は共通している。ナチスを生んだ反省から排外主義やポピュリズムへの警戒感が強かったドイツでも右派政党に勢いが出ている。各国の選挙制度の違いによって変化の度合いに差はあるだろうが、右派政党が一定の抗議票を集めれば、欧州の政治は不安定化するだろう。
私は１９３０年代以来の世界的危機ととらえている。１９世紀末から、地球上のモノとカネの動きが急速にグローバル化した。新聞やラジオといったマスメディアと、鉄道網や大陸間航路が発展し、ヒトも世界的規模で動き出した。様々な社会不安が人種差別に表れた。米国で株バブルがはじけた時、当時の政治エリートは恐慌の連鎖を止めることができず、ファシズムの高まりにつながった。
インターネットや携帯端末が普及した現在、情報は瞬時に伝えられるようになり、数か月で１００万人単位の難民が欧州に流入するようなことが起こる。人々の意識と動きが大きく変わったという意味で、１９２０年代と今の状況は質的に似ている。だからこそ、その後に来るものは似てほしくない。単に排外主義に反対するということではなく、危機の根源を見つめ、どんな解決策があるのか真剣に考えねばならない。
欧州では社会変化への不安やテロへの恐怖心が強く、排外主義が政党政治の中の確固たるファクターになってしまった。こうした状況では、政治的な対策としては、移民が入るスピードをいったん緩め、社会が落ち着くのを待つしかない。文化的な摩擦が起こりにくい層を、摩擦が起こりにくい方法で受け入れていく調整が必要になる。早急に対処しなければ、さらにひどい排外主義が広がりかねない。
人口減が進む先進国では、大きな流れとして労働力の受け入れは避けられない。これまでこの問題を避けてきた日本は逆に半歩前進し、文化、宗教、習慣などの摩擦が起こりにくい形を考えながら受け入れを進め、社会統合のための政策に取り組まなければ手遅れになってしまう。
筆者は政策研究大学院大学教授。本稿は２０１７年１月１８日付毎日新聞掲載のインタビュー記事の要約である。
１９９０年代から急速に進んだグローバリゼーションへの反動として、英国国民投票でも米大統領選でも「昔のような社会に戻りたい」という感情が噴き出した。だが時計を逆戻りさせることはできない。ポピュリスト側はたいてい後ろ向きのアジェンダしか設定できておらず、移民を閉め出して自由貿易をやめれば国内に製造業と雇用が戻ってくるかのような幻想を与えているにすぎない。
だが、既存の政治エリートには人々は根深い不信感を抱いている。欧州では今年、オランダやドイツの総選挙、フランス大統領選などがあるが、非エスタブリッシュメントへの期待が集まる状況は共通している。ナチスを生んだ反省から排外主義やポピュリズムへの警戒感が強かったドイツでも右派政党に勢いが出ている。各国の選挙制度の違いによって変化の度合いに差はあるだろうが、右派政党が一定の抗議票を集めれば、欧州の政治は不安定化するだろう。
私は１９３０年代以来の世界的危機ととらえている。１９世紀末から、地球上のモノとカネの動きが急速にグローバル化した。新聞やラジオといったマスメディアと、鉄道網や大陸間航路が発展し、ヒトも世界的規模で動き出した。様々な社会不安が人種差別に表れた。米国で株バブルがはじけた時、当時の政治エリートは恐慌の連鎖を止めることができず、ファシズムの高まりにつながった。
インターネットや携帯端末が普及した現在、情報は瞬時に伝えられるようになり、数か月で１００万人単位の難民が欧州に流入するようなことが起こる。人々の意識と動きが大きく変わったという意味で、１９２０年代と今の状況は質的に似ている。だからこそ、その後に来るものは似てほしくない。単に排外主義に反対するということではなく、危機の根源を見つめ、どんな解決策があるのか真剣に考えねばならない。
欧州では社会変化への不安やテロへの恐怖心が強く、排外主義が政党政治の中の確固たるファクターになってしまった。こうした状況では、政治的な対策としては、移民が入るスピードをいったん緩め、社会が落ち着くのを待つしかない。文化的な摩擦が起こりにくい層を、摩擦が起こりにくい方法で受け入れていく調整が必要になる。早急に対処しなければ、さらにひどい排外主義が広がりかねない。
人口減が進む先進国では、大きな流れとして労働力の受け入れは避けられない。これまでこの問題を避けてきた日本は逆に半歩前進し、文化、宗教、習慣などの摩擦が起こりにくい形を考えながら受け入れを進め、社会統合のための政策に取り組まなければ手遅れになってしまう。
筆者は政策研究大学院大学教授。本稿は２０１７年１月１８日付毎日新聞掲載のインタビュー記事の要約である。
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