The Kurdish Dream of Independence
HIRAYAMA Kentaro / Journalist
November 28, 2017
The independence referendum for Iraqi Kurdistan, conducted by the autonomous Kurdistan Regional Government in September 2017, led to a sweeping 90-percent-plus majority of voters opting for an independent Kurdish state apart from Iraq.
The Kurdish diaspora is currently spread across numerous countries, including Turkey, Iraq, Iran, Syria, and Armenia. Its population is estimated to be around 30 million. Wedged between three major ethnic groups—Turks, Arabs, and Persians (Iranians)—the Kurds are the largest ethnic group without a state of its own.
For a moment in history, the Kurdish people came within inches of establishing an independent state. After World War I spelled an end to the Ottoman Empire in the early twentieth century, the various ethnic groups in the empire aspired to gain independence, due in part to the call for self-determination by President Woodrow Wilson of the United States, which had sided with the victors of the war. The Treaty of Sèvres of 1920 partitioned the empire and stipulated the creation of independent Kurdish and Armenian states.
But the Turks, whose territory had been divided into pieces, launched a war in the name of restoring their homeland under the leadership of Mustafa Kemal Atatürk and drove out the Allied forces consisting of British, French, Greek, and other troops. The present-day boundaries of the Republic of Turkey were recognized in the 1923 Treaty of Lausanne. Kurdish independence thus vanished into thin air, and the Kurds were given no more than a limited degree of self-government within Iraqi territory under British protection.
The tragedy of the Kurdish people is that tugs-of-war among themselves have prevented them from forming a united front. This is due in large part to their being exploited and caught up in political games by countries that host Kurdish populations—repressing the Kurds within their borders while backing those in neighboring countries.
In the final days of the Iran-Iraq War, the Iraqi regime of Saddam Hussein attacked the Kurdish city of Halabja in northern Iran with chemical weapons, killing several thousand people. I am still haunted by the memory of the girl who told me imploringly that Halabja “is the Hiroshima of the Kurds,” drawing a parallel with the Japanese city whose name also begins with H.
What turned this situation around was the US-led invasion of Iraq in 2003. In the ensuing period of chaos, Kurdish militants provided the US Armed Forces with an airbase, fought against Sunni militant groups with arms aid from the United States, and became a dominant power in postwar Iraq alongside Iran-backed Shiites. They were also a leading force in the battle to recapture Mosul from Islamic State control. A number of Kurdish figures have held key posts in state politics, including President Jalal Talabani (2005–2014) and Foreign Minister Naji Sabri (2003–2014). The three northern governorates of Iraqi Kurdistan have attained a high degree of autonomy. Moreover, Kurdish forces have seized control of the Kirkuk oil fields.
Faced with a referendum verdict overwhelmingly in favor of independence, the central government of Iraq has refused to take part in negotiations premised on Kurdish independence. Neighboring Turkey and Iran, wary of the referendum’s effect on their own Kurdish populations, are exerting pressure by conducting military exercises in areas bordering Iraqi Kurdistan. The United Nations and the United States—the latter of which has built cooperative ties with the Kurds—are treading cautiously, as independence could spark new conflict.
There is no question that the Kurds in Iraq are leading the charge toward realizing the long-cherished goal of Kurdish independence. But trying to strong-arm their way through will only lead to intervention from neighboring countries and to bloodshed, potentially undermining the foothold that they have built in Iraq. Looking at the bigger picture, the key will be for the Iraqi Kurds, as the linchpin of the Kurdish liberation movement, to keep engaging in inventive efforts for the long haul toward further solidifying Iraqi Kurdistan in diverse areas, from politics to culture. It is also imperative that they work to gain broader understanding and empathy from the international community.
The international community, for its part, should quietly root for the Kurds in these efforts. Having their dreams crushed will drive people to terrorism. As for myself, I would like to send my cheers from here in Japan as I keep a long-term eye on the Kurds and their quest for independence.
Kentaro Hirano is a former Executive Commentator of the NHK.
The Kurdish diaspora is currently spread across numerous countries, including Turkey, Iraq, Iran, Syria, and Armenia. Its population is estimated to be around 30 million. Wedged between three major ethnic groups—Turks, Arabs, and Persians (Iranians)—the Kurds are the largest ethnic group without a state of its own.
For a moment in history, the Kurdish people came within inches of establishing an independent state. After World War I spelled an end to the Ottoman Empire in the early twentieth century, the various ethnic groups in the empire aspired to gain independence, due in part to the call for self-determination by President Woodrow Wilson of the United States, which had sided with the victors of the war. The Treaty of Sèvres of 1920 partitioned the empire and stipulated the creation of independent Kurdish and Armenian states.
But the Turks, whose territory had been divided into pieces, launched a war in the name of restoring their homeland under the leadership of Mustafa Kemal Atatürk and drove out the Allied forces consisting of British, French, Greek, and other troops. The present-day boundaries of the Republic of Turkey were recognized in the 1923 Treaty of Lausanne. Kurdish independence thus vanished into thin air, and the Kurds were given no more than a limited degree of self-government within Iraqi territory under British protection.
The tragedy of the Kurdish people is that tugs-of-war among themselves have prevented them from forming a united front. This is due in large part to their being exploited and caught up in political games by countries that host Kurdish populations—repressing the Kurds within their borders while backing those in neighboring countries.
In the final days of the Iran-Iraq War, the Iraqi regime of Saddam Hussein attacked the Kurdish city of Halabja in northern Iran with chemical weapons, killing several thousand people. I am still haunted by the memory of the girl who told me imploringly that Halabja “is the Hiroshima of the Kurds,” drawing a parallel with the Japanese city whose name also begins with H.
What turned this situation around was the US-led invasion of Iraq in 2003. In the ensuing period of chaos, Kurdish militants provided the US Armed Forces with an airbase, fought against Sunni militant groups with arms aid from the United States, and became a dominant power in postwar Iraq alongside Iran-backed Shiites. They were also a leading force in the battle to recapture Mosul from Islamic State control. A number of Kurdish figures have held key posts in state politics, including President Jalal Talabani (2005–2014) and Foreign Minister Naji Sabri (2003–2014). The three northern governorates of Iraqi Kurdistan have attained a high degree of autonomy. Moreover, Kurdish forces have seized control of the Kirkuk oil fields.
Faced with a referendum verdict overwhelmingly in favor of independence, the central government of Iraq has refused to take part in negotiations premised on Kurdish independence. Neighboring Turkey and Iran, wary of the referendum’s effect on their own Kurdish populations, are exerting pressure by conducting military exercises in areas bordering Iraqi Kurdistan. The United Nations and the United States—the latter of which has built cooperative ties with the Kurds—are treading cautiously, as independence could spark new conflict.
There is no question that the Kurds in Iraq are leading the charge toward realizing the long-cherished goal of Kurdish independence. But trying to strong-arm their way through will only lead to intervention from neighboring countries and to bloodshed, potentially undermining the foothold that they have built in Iraq. Looking at the bigger picture, the key will be for the Iraqi Kurds, as the linchpin of the Kurdish liberation movement, to keep engaging in inventive efforts for the long haul toward further solidifying Iraqi Kurdistan in diverse areas, from politics to culture. It is also imperative that they work to gain broader understanding and empathy from the international community.
The international community, for its part, should quietly root for the Kurds in these efforts. Having their dreams crushed will drive people to terrorism. As for myself, I would like to send my cheers from here in Japan as I keep a long-term eye on the Kurds and their quest for independence.
Kentaro Hirano is a former Executive Commentator of the NHK.
The English-Speaking Union of Japan
クルド独立の夢
平山健太郎 / ジャーナリスト
2017年 11月 28日
イラク北部のクルド自治政府が９月に行った住民投票で、90％を超える圧倒的多数がイラクから独立してクルド人国家の樹立を決めた。
クルド人は現在、トルコ、イラク、イラン、シリア、アルメニアなどの各地に居住し、人口は推定３０００万人。トルコ、アラブ、ペルシャ（イラン）という３大民族の狭間で、国を持てない世界最大の民族である。
歴史的にこのクルド人が国家を持つ直前まで行ったことがある。
20世紀初頭、第一次世界大戦でオスマントルコ帝国が崩壊すると、戦勝国のウィルソン米大統領の民族自決への呼びかけもあって、帝国内の諸民族が独立を志向。１９２０年のセーブル条約は帝国を分割し、クルド人とアルメニア人を国家として独立させることを決めた。
しかし領土を分割されたトルコ人は、ムスタファ・ケマルの指導の下、国土回復を掲げた戦争で英、仏、ギリシャなどの連合国軍を撃退。１９２３年のローザンヌ条約で現在のトルコ領をトルコ共和国として認めさせた。このためクルド人の独立は露と消え、英国保護下のイラク領内で一定の自治を与えられるに終わった。
クルド人の悲劇は、民族内の主導権争いで結束できなかったことだ。その大きな理由は、クルド人を国内にかかえる関係国が、自国のクルド人は抑圧し、隣国のクルド人は支援する政略に利用し、クルド人もこれに振り回されてきたことにある。
イラン・イラク戦争の末期には、イランが支援するイラク北部のクルドの町ハラブジャを、イラクのサダム政権が化学兵器で攻撃し、数千人が犠牲となった。この街とローマ字の頭文字が同じヒロシマを並べ、「クルドにとってのヒロシマです」と私に訴えた少女の記憶がまだ消えない。
この状況を一変させたのが03年の米国主導のイラク戦争だった。戦後の混乱期、クルド武装組織は米軍に空軍基地を提供し、また米国の武器援助を受けてスンニ派武装勢力と戦い、イランの支援を受けるシーア派とともに戦後のイラクの支配的な勢力になった。「イスラム国」（ＩＳ）が占領したモスルの奪回戦でも戦闘の主力になった。
国政ではタラバニ大統領（05年～14年）、ゼバリ外相（03年～14年）らクルド人が重要ポストを占め、クルド人自治区の北部３州では高度の自治を実現。油田地帯のキルクークも支配下に置いた。
圧倒的な独立賛成の投票結果について、イラク中央政府は独立を前提とした交渉を拒否。自国のクルド人への波及を懸念する周辺国のトルコとイランは、イラクのクルド自治区の境界線付近で軍事演習を行って圧力をかけている。国連や、クルド人との協力関係を築いている米国も、独立は新たな紛争の火種となりかねないだけに慎重だ。
イラククのクルド人が民族独立への悲願の実現で先頭に立っていることは間違いない。ただゴリ押し一辺倒は周辺国の介入や流血を招き、イラクに築いた足場を台無しにし兼ねない。大局的に見れば、クルド人全体の解放運動の要として、クルド自治区の政治から文化を含む幅広い分野をより確固としたものにするため、長期的スパンで創意に富んだ活動を続けることが重要だ。また国際社会に理解と共感を広げていく取り組みも不可欠だ。
国際社会もそうしたクルド人に静かな声援を送るべきではないか。夢の圧殺は人々をテロへと駆り立てる。独立を目指す彼らに、私は長期的な視点に立って日本から声援を送りたい。
筆者は元ＮＨＫ解説主幹
クルド人は現在、トルコ、イラク、イラン、シリア、アルメニアなどの各地に居住し、人口は推定３０００万人。トルコ、アラブ、ペルシャ（イラン）という３大民族の狭間で、国を持てない世界最大の民族である。
歴史的にこのクルド人が国家を持つ直前まで行ったことがある。
20世紀初頭、第一次世界大戦でオスマントルコ帝国が崩壊すると、戦勝国のウィルソン米大統領の民族自決への呼びかけもあって、帝国内の諸民族が独立を志向。１９２０年のセーブル条約は帝国を分割し、クルド人とアルメニア人を国家として独立させることを決めた。
しかし領土を分割されたトルコ人は、ムスタファ・ケマルの指導の下、国土回復を掲げた戦争で英、仏、ギリシャなどの連合国軍を撃退。１９２３年のローザンヌ条約で現在のトルコ領をトルコ共和国として認めさせた。このためクルド人の独立は露と消え、英国保護下のイラク領内で一定の自治を与えられるに終わった。
クルド人の悲劇は、民族内の主導権争いで結束できなかったことだ。その大きな理由は、クルド人を国内にかかえる関係国が、自国のクルド人は抑圧し、隣国のクルド人は支援する政略に利用し、クルド人もこれに振り回されてきたことにある。
イラン・イラク戦争の末期には、イランが支援するイラク北部のクルドの町ハラブジャを、イラクのサダム政権が化学兵器で攻撃し、数千人が犠牲となった。この街とローマ字の頭文字が同じヒロシマを並べ、「クルドにとってのヒロシマです」と私に訴えた少女の記憶がまだ消えない。
この状況を一変させたのが03年の米国主導のイラク戦争だった。戦後の混乱期、クルド武装組織は米軍に空軍基地を提供し、また米国の武器援助を受けてスンニ派武装勢力と戦い、イランの支援を受けるシーア派とともに戦後のイラクの支配的な勢力になった。「イスラム国」（ＩＳ）が占領したモスルの奪回戦でも戦闘の主力になった。
国政ではタラバニ大統領（05年～14年）、ゼバリ外相（03年～14年）らクルド人が重要ポストを占め、クルド人自治区の北部３州では高度の自治を実現。油田地帯のキルクークも支配下に置いた。
圧倒的な独立賛成の投票結果について、イラク中央政府は独立を前提とした交渉を拒否。自国のクルド人への波及を懸念する周辺国のトルコとイランは、イラクのクルド自治区の境界線付近で軍事演習を行って圧力をかけている。国連や、クルド人との協力関係を築いている米国も、独立は新たな紛争の火種となりかねないだけに慎重だ。
イラククのクルド人が民族独立への悲願の実現で先頭に立っていることは間違いない。ただゴリ押し一辺倒は周辺国の介入や流血を招き、イラクに築いた足場を台無しにし兼ねない。大局的に見れば、クルド人全体の解放運動の要として、クルド自治区の政治から文化を含む幅広い分野をより確固としたものにするため、長期的スパンで創意に富んだ活動を続けることが重要だ。また国際社会に理解と共感を広げていく取り組みも不可欠だ。
国際社会もそうしたクルド人に静かな声援を送るべきではないか。夢の圧殺は人々をテロへと駆り立てる。独立を目指す彼らに、私は長期的な視点に立って日本から声援を送りたい。
筆者は元ＮＨＫ解説主幹
一般社団法人 日本英語交流連盟