Xi Jinping Regime should return to Deng Xiaoping’s Hong Kong Policy
KANEKO Hidetoshi / Journalist
December 27, 2019
On December 8, there was a pro-democracy demonstration by 800,000 citizens (according to the organizer) in Hong Kong. Starting last June with 800,000 people opposing the introduction of the “Fugitive Offenders and Mutual Legal Assistance in Criminal Matters legislation Amendment Bill”, there have been a series of demonstrations in Hong Kong, with 2 million people taking part at one point.
Since then, as the clashes intensified between the radical protesters repeatedly obstructing traffic in urban districts and the police force, there has been a decrease in the number of participants in the citizens’ demonstrations upholding the principle of “peace, reason, and non-violence”. The police force arrested radicals in succession by wantonly deploying tear-gas grenades, water canons, and even by using guns loaded with live ammunition. It was said that the Police’s excessive crackdown on the radicals had another purpose, that is, to dissuade the general public from participating in the demonstrations.
However, 800,000 strong citizens’ demonstration recurred after the suppression of the hardcore protesters’ activities. Even after half a year, the number of people taking part in pro-democracy demonstrations shows no sign of decreasing.
Why do demonstrations on such a scale continue? It is because the Chinese Civil War between the Kuomintang National Revolutionary Army and the Communist Army, presumably settled 70 years ago, started smoldering again among their descendants.
The People’s Republic of China cerebrated its 70th anniversary in October this year. President Xi Jinping reviewed the military parade from a platform in Tiananmen Square. In the same place, Chairman Mao Zedong declared the founding of the New China 70 years ago. The Republic of China, that is, the Old China, lost its ruling power over the mainland at that point, and Chiang Kai-shek’s Chinese Nationalist Party fled to Taiwan. Afraid of the raging storm of the Red Army’s advance, millions of refugees flooded into safe, British-ruled Hong Kong.
The theme song of the American movie “Love Is a Many Splendored Thing”, set in Hong Kong of that period, is a well-known classic still broadcast on radio today. The author of the original story, Han Suying, herself one of the refugees, left this aphorism widely cited by Hong Kong researchers: “Borrowed Place, Borrowed Time, Hong Kong”. Hong Kong is a place filled with the disquietude of the refugees displaced from the Republic of China.
President Xi’s father was a General in the Communist Army in the Chinese Civil War. President Xi wishes to “liberate” Taiwan and Hong Kong in his generation so as to complete the offensive left unfinished by his father’s generation in the Civil War. After assuming power, he declared the end of “the Den Xiaoping Era” and the beginning of “the Xi Jinping Era”. Furthermore, he plans to take Hong Kong and Taiwan under Chinese sovereign rule between this year (the 70th founding anniversary) and 2021 (the 100th anniversary), and to enter his 3rd term at the 20th National Congress in 2022. His ambition was thwarted by the Hong Kong demonstrations. Infuriated, President Xi issued a stern order to the Hong Kong government to suppress the demonstrations.
On the other hand, the majority of Hong Kong citizens are grandchildren and great-grandchildren of the refugees who had been displaced by the Communist regime. Although they lost their guardian, Britain, when Hong Kong was returned to China in 1997, they relied instead on Deng Xiaoping’s “One Country, Two Systems” policy. But Xi Jinping’s administration changed the interpretation of “One Country, Two Systems” to de facto “One Country”, which ignited the fear among Hong Kong citizens. If the wall of “Hong Kong autonomy” collapses, the People’s Liberation Army might break through the Taiwan Strait next. The slogan of Hong Kong demonstrations, “Today’s Hong Kong, Tomorrow’s Taiwan” spread to Taiwan, and the Democratic Progressive Party, which had rejected President Xi’s interpretation of “One Country, Two Systems” attracted support from Taiwan voters.
The ultimate demand of the Hong Kong demonstrators is to introduce a direct election of the Chief Executive. But what has driven most citizens into demonstration for such a long period of time is their fear toward the Communist Party. Unless China switches to a more tolerant Hong Kong policy, demonstrations will continue indefinitely.
Then how should the neighboring countries face Hong Kong from now on? The US “Hong Kong Human Rights and Democracy Act” enacted in November is well conceived. The United Stated established a system where it will annually check the Hong Kong government, not the Chinese government, for the level of “One Country, Two Systems” attained, and if found insufficient, the favorable treatment given to Hong Kong could be cancelled. The US sent a signal toward Xi’s administration to return to the rules of the Deng Xiaoping’s Era, thus avoiding a head-on collision with China.
Before democratization demanded by the Hong Kong People becomes a reality, the fastest way for Hong Kong to regain its stability is for China to return to the generous policy of Den Xiaoping’s time and give Hong Kong a sense of security. As China’s economic growth slows down, President Xi may well realize before long the negative impacts of his own Hong Kong policy.
What is compelling is the desperate state of mind of Hong Kong’s young generation. Feeling that the time for “the Borrowed Place” is running out, there are signs that young Hongkongers are choosing to emigrate to countries such as Australia. With the loss of the young people, the Hong Kong society is certain to lose its vibrant energy. Surrounding countries including Japan are bound to respond.
Hidetoshi Kaneko is a Contributing Editor for Mainichi Shimbun Newspaper.
Since then, as the clashes intensified between the radical protesters repeatedly obstructing traffic in urban districts and the police force, there has been a decrease in the number of participants in the citizens’ demonstrations upholding the principle of “peace, reason, and non-violence”. The police force arrested radicals in succession by wantonly deploying tear-gas grenades, water canons, and even by using guns loaded with live ammunition. It was said that the Police’s excessive crackdown on the radicals had another purpose, that is, to dissuade the general public from participating in the demonstrations.
However, 800,000 strong citizens’ demonstration recurred after the suppression of the hardcore protesters’ activities. Even after half a year, the number of people taking part in pro-democracy demonstrations shows no sign of decreasing.
Why do demonstrations on such a scale continue? It is because the Chinese Civil War between the Kuomintang National Revolutionary Army and the Communist Army, presumably settled 70 years ago, started smoldering again among their descendants.
The People’s Republic of China cerebrated its 70th anniversary in October this year. President Xi Jinping reviewed the military parade from a platform in Tiananmen Square. In the same place, Chairman Mao Zedong declared the founding of the New China 70 years ago. The Republic of China, that is, the Old China, lost its ruling power over the mainland at that point, and Chiang Kai-shek’s Chinese Nationalist Party fled to Taiwan. Afraid of the raging storm of the Red Army’s advance, millions of refugees flooded into safe, British-ruled Hong Kong.
The theme song of the American movie “Love Is a Many Splendored Thing”, set in Hong Kong of that period, is a well-known classic still broadcast on radio today. The author of the original story, Han Suying, herself one of the refugees, left this aphorism widely cited by Hong Kong researchers: “Borrowed Place, Borrowed Time, Hong Kong”. Hong Kong is a place filled with the disquietude of the refugees displaced from the Republic of China.
President Xi’s father was a General in the Communist Army in the Chinese Civil War. President Xi wishes to “liberate” Taiwan and Hong Kong in his generation so as to complete the offensive left unfinished by his father’s generation in the Civil War. After assuming power, he declared the end of “the Den Xiaoping Era” and the beginning of “the Xi Jinping Era”. Furthermore, he plans to take Hong Kong and Taiwan under Chinese sovereign rule between this year (the 70th founding anniversary) and 2021 (the 100th anniversary), and to enter his 3rd term at the 20th National Congress in 2022. His ambition was thwarted by the Hong Kong demonstrations. Infuriated, President Xi issued a stern order to the Hong Kong government to suppress the demonstrations.
On the other hand, the majority of Hong Kong citizens are grandchildren and great-grandchildren of the refugees who had been displaced by the Communist regime. Although they lost their guardian, Britain, when Hong Kong was returned to China in 1997, they relied instead on Deng Xiaoping’s “One Country, Two Systems” policy. But Xi Jinping’s administration changed the interpretation of “One Country, Two Systems” to de facto “One Country”, which ignited the fear among Hong Kong citizens. If the wall of “Hong Kong autonomy” collapses, the People’s Liberation Army might break through the Taiwan Strait next. The slogan of Hong Kong demonstrations, “Today’s Hong Kong, Tomorrow’s Taiwan” spread to Taiwan, and the Democratic Progressive Party, which had rejected President Xi’s interpretation of “One Country, Two Systems” attracted support from Taiwan voters.
The ultimate demand of the Hong Kong demonstrators is to introduce a direct election of the Chief Executive. But what has driven most citizens into demonstration for such a long period of time is their fear toward the Communist Party. Unless China switches to a more tolerant Hong Kong policy, demonstrations will continue indefinitely.
Then how should the neighboring countries face Hong Kong from now on? The US “Hong Kong Human Rights and Democracy Act” enacted in November is well conceived. The United Stated established a system where it will annually check the Hong Kong government, not the Chinese government, for the level of “One Country, Two Systems” attained, and if found insufficient, the favorable treatment given to Hong Kong could be cancelled. The US sent a signal toward Xi’s administration to return to the rules of the Deng Xiaoping’s Era, thus avoiding a head-on collision with China.
Before democratization demanded by the Hong Kong People becomes a reality, the fastest way for Hong Kong to regain its stability is for China to return to the generous policy of Den Xiaoping’s time and give Hong Kong a sense of security. As China’s economic growth slows down, President Xi may well realize before long the negative impacts of his own Hong Kong policy.
What is compelling is the desperate state of mind of Hong Kong’s young generation. Feeling that the time for “the Borrowed Place” is running out, there are signs that young Hongkongers are choosing to emigrate to countries such as Australia. With the loss of the young people, the Hong Kong society is certain to lose its vibrant energy. Surrounding countries including Japan are bound to respond.
Hidetoshi Kaneko is a Contributing Editor for Mainichi Shimbun Newspaper.
The English-Speaking Union of Japan
習近平政権は鄧小平の香港政策に戻れ
金子 秀敏 / ジャーナリスト
2019年 12月 27日
香港で12月８日、80万人（主催者発表）の市民が参加する民主化要求デモがあった。香港のデモは６月、「逃亡犯を中国に引き渡す条例」の制定に反対する80万人デモで始まり一時は200万人が参加した。
その後、市街地で交通妨害を繰り返す過激派グループと警官隊の衝突が激化し、「平和・理性・非暴力」を原則とする市民デモの参加者は減った。警官隊は催涙弾、放水銃を乱用し、実弾を装填した拳銃まで使って過激派を次々に逮捕した。過激派に対する警察の過剰な弾圧は、市民のデモ離れを促すという別の目的があったと言われている。
しかし過激派の行動が押さえ込まれると、再び80万人規模の市民デモが起きた。民主化デモの市民の数は半年たってもまったく減らない。
なぜ大規模なデモがこれほど続くのか。70年前に一段落したはずの国民党軍と共産党軍の内戦が、いま子孫たちの間でくすぶりだしたからだ。
今年10月、中華人民共和国は建国70周年を迎えた。習近平国家主席が天安門の壇上から軍事パレードを観閲した。その場所で70年前、毛沢東主席が新中国の建国を宣言した。その時、古い中国である中華民国は中国本土の統治能力を失い、蒋介石国民党政権は台湾に逃れた。怒濤の勢いで進撃する共産党軍を恐れ、多くの難民が安全な英領香港に流入した。
当時の香港を舞台にした米国映画「慕情」（ 原題、Love Is a Many Splendored Thing）の主題歌は今もラジオで流れる名曲だが、難民の一人だった原作者、韓素英（Han suying）の言葉も香港研究者に引用される名句だ――「Borrowed Place, Borrowed Time, Hong Kong」（借りものの土地、借りものの場所、香港）。香港は、中華民国を追われた難民の不安が満ちている土地だ。
習主席の父は国共内戦で共産党軍の将軍だった。習主席は父の世代が国共内戦で攻め残した台湾、香港の「解放」を自分の代で実現したいと考えている。政権掌握後、「鄧小平時代」が終わり「習近平時代」に入ったと宣言し、さらに今年（建国70周年）から2021年（共産党建党100周年）までの間に香港、台湾を中国の主権下に入れ、2022年の共産党第20回大会で政権３期目に入る計画だ。その野心を香港のデモがくじいた。習主席は怒り、香港政府にデモ鎮圧を厳命した。
一方、香港市民の多くは共産党政権に追われた難民の孫、ひ孫たちだ。1997年に香港が中国に返還され英国という保護者を失ったが、それに代わって鄧小平の「１国２制度」を頼りに暮らしていた。ところが習近平政権は「１国２制度」を事実上「１国」と解釈変更し、香港市民の恐怖心に火を着けた。「香港の自治」という壁が倒れれば、次は台湾海峡を人民解放軍が突破するかもしれない。「今日の香港、明日の台湾」という香港のデモのスローガンが台湾に広がり、習主席の「１国２制度」提案を拒否した民進党に台湾有権者の支持が集まった。
香港のデモは行政長官選挙の直接選挙導入が究極の要求になっている。だが、これほど長期にわたって多くの市民をデモに突き動かすのは、共産党の恐怖だ。中国が寛容な香港政策に転換しない限りいつまでもデモは続く。
では、これから周辺国は香港とどう向き合うべきだろうか。11月に成立した米国の「香港人権・民主主義法」はよく考えられている。米国は中国政府ではなく香港政府を対象にして「１国２制度」の水準を毎年チェックし、不十分な場合は、米国が香港に付与した優遇措置を取り消すことができるという仕組みを作った。中国との正面衝突を避けたうえで、習近平政権に対して鄧小平時代のルールに戻ってほしいというシグナルを送った。
香港が安定を回復する近道は、香港市民の求める民主化より先に、中国が鄧小平時代の寛容な政策に戻り香港社会に安心感を与えることだ。習主席は、経済成長が鈍化する中で、いずれ自身の香港政策のもたらしたマイナスに気付くのではないか。
切実なのは香港の若者たちの絶望的な心理状態だ。「借りものの場所」を追われる時が迫っていると切実に感じ、オーストラリアなどへの移民の動きが出てきた。若者たちが去れば香港社会は活力を失うに違いない。日本を含めた周辺国の対応が迫られるだろう。
筆者は毎日新聞客員編集委員
その後、市街地で交通妨害を繰り返す過激派グループと警官隊の衝突が激化し、「平和・理性・非暴力」を原則とする市民デモの参加者は減った。警官隊は催涙弾、放水銃を乱用し、実弾を装填した拳銃まで使って過激派を次々に逮捕した。過激派に対する警察の過剰な弾圧は、市民のデモ離れを促すという別の目的があったと言われている。
しかし過激派の行動が押さえ込まれると、再び80万人規模の市民デモが起きた。民主化デモの市民の数は半年たってもまったく減らない。
なぜ大規模なデモがこれほど続くのか。70年前に一段落したはずの国民党軍と共産党軍の内戦が、いま子孫たちの間でくすぶりだしたからだ。
今年10月、中華人民共和国は建国70周年を迎えた。習近平国家主席が天安門の壇上から軍事パレードを観閲した。その場所で70年前、毛沢東主席が新中国の建国を宣言した。その時、古い中国である中華民国は中国本土の統治能力を失い、蒋介石国民党政権は台湾に逃れた。怒濤の勢いで進撃する共産党軍を恐れ、多くの難民が安全な英領香港に流入した。
当時の香港を舞台にした米国映画「慕情」（ 原題、Love Is a Many Splendored Thing）の主題歌は今もラジオで流れる名曲だが、難民の一人だった原作者、韓素英（Han suying）の言葉も香港研究者に引用される名句だ――「Borrowed Place, Borrowed Time, Hong Kong」（借りものの土地、借りものの場所、香港）。香港は、中華民国を追われた難民の不安が満ちている土地だ。
習主席の父は国共内戦で共産党軍の将軍だった。習主席は父の世代が国共内戦で攻め残した台湾、香港の「解放」を自分の代で実現したいと考えている。政権掌握後、「鄧小平時代」が終わり「習近平時代」に入ったと宣言し、さらに今年（建国70周年）から2021年（共産党建党100周年）までの間に香港、台湾を中国の主権下に入れ、2022年の共産党第20回大会で政権３期目に入る計画だ。その野心を香港のデモがくじいた。習主席は怒り、香港政府にデモ鎮圧を厳命した。
一方、香港市民の多くは共産党政権に追われた難民の孫、ひ孫たちだ。1997年に香港が中国に返還され英国という保護者を失ったが、それに代わって鄧小平の「１国２制度」を頼りに暮らしていた。ところが習近平政権は「１国２制度」を事実上「１国」と解釈変更し、香港市民の恐怖心に火を着けた。「香港の自治」という壁が倒れれば、次は台湾海峡を人民解放軍が突破するかもしれない。「今日の香港、明日の台湾」という香港のデモのスローガンが台湾に広がり、習主席の「１国２制度」提案を拒否した民進党に台湾有権者の支持が集まった。
香港のデモは行政長官選挙の直接選挙導入が究極の要求になっている。だが、これほど長期にわたって多くの市民をデモに突き動かすのは、共産党の恐怖だ。中国が寛容な香港政策に転換しない限りいつまでもデモは続く。
では、これから周辺国は香港とどう向き合うべきだろうか。11月に成立した米国の「香港人権・民主主義法」はよく考えられている。米国は中国政府ではなく香港政府を対象にして「１国２制度」の水準を毎年チェックし、不十分な場合は、米国が香港に付与した優遇措置を取り消すことができるという仕組みを作った。中国との正面衝突を避けたうえで、習近平政権に対して鄧小平時代のルールに戻ってほしいというシグナルを送った。
香港が安定を回復する近道は、香港市民の求める民主化より先に、中国が鄧小平時代の寛容な政策に戻り香港社会に安心感を与えることだ。習主席は、経済成長が鈍化する中で、いずれ自身の香港政策のもたらしたマイナスに気付くのではないか。
切実なのは香港の若者たちの絶望的な心理状態だ。「借りものの場所」を追われる時が迫っていると切実に感じ、オーストラリアなどへの移民の動きが出てきた。若者たちが去れば香港社会は活力を失うに違いない。日本を含めた周辺国の対応が迫られるだろう。
筆者は毎日新聞客員編集委員
一般社団法人 日本英語交流連盟