Democracy amid corona crisis must see beyond 'violence and destruction'
Ken ENDO / Dean, Hokkaido University Graduate School of Public Policy
July 30, 2020
A Black Lives Matter protester salutes passing traffic while supporters of President Donald Trump rally in the background at the intersection of U.S. 17-92 and S.R. 436 in Casselberry, Fla., on July 14, 2020. (Joe Burbank/Orlando Sentinel via AP)
In the midst of the coronavirus crisis, the United States is breaking down and pulling others in its downfall. For a long time, the country has been at the center of the world, and the impact of its collapse is enormous, accordingly.
As widely reported, on May 25, George Floyd, an African-American man, died as an obvious result of excessive violence by white police officers in Minneapolis. In the wake of his death, the Black Lives Matter (BLM) movement has become widespread across the United States and around the world. The BLM protests have largely been peaceful, but some people took advantage of the situation and engaged in acts of vandalism, while suspicious deaths of African Americans and cover-ups came to the surface one after another. These developments exposed the depth of division in U.S. society.
Behind these recent moves lie deep-rooted historic and societal factors, such as racial discrimination dating back to the nation's founding and the slavery system, as well as structural oppression and violence by law enforcement agencies. But in recent years, the focus has been on so-called "white nationalism," to refer to the title of a recent book by Professor Yasushi Watanabe of Keio University. Some white residents of the United States, who used to be part of the mainstream, are making culturally reactionary moves as their social positions are threatened by the influx of Hispanics and others and they are losing their economic footing. White supremacy is difficult to deal with as it is often accompanied by violence.
President Trump appears to be in a position close to those whites emotionally and politically as he retweeted a post expressing such a position, although he later deleted the tweet. In addition, according to the memoirs of his former national security adviser, John Bolton, the president expressed his endorsement and encouragement of the detention and indoctrination of the Uyghur population in China.
Even though the United States has been involved in many atrocities throughout its history, at the same time, it has also raised the torch of freedom at home and abroad. Now the country is blatantly regressing normatively from top to bottom. Naturally, the international leadership of the United States is being eroded.
What is serious is that the destruction of values is not confined to the domestic sphere, but extends to the multilateralism that has been fostered internationally since the end of World War II. In fact, the Trump administration has unilaterally withdrawn from the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO), the 2015 Iran nuclear agreement, the Paris accord on climate change, the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP), the treaty on the abolition of Intermediate-Range Nuclear Forces (INF), and other various agreements and institutions that have shaped global governance, indicating that it is no longer willing to fulfill its global responsibilities. The COVID-19 crisis seems to be accelerating this drive. President Trump has declared his withdrawal from the World Health Organization (WHO) and suggested a restructuring of the G7. These steps are forcing many countries, including Japan, to reconsider their way of life, which presupposed the leadership of the United States as a given.
However, the problem is complex. This is because internal U.S. developments are not only negative, but also include creative destruction aimed at the accumulated negative legacy of the country.
It gouges out invisible, structured oppression and discrimination. For example, two-thirds of U.S. police officers are white, and blacks are 2.5 times more likely than whites to be shot with a gun. Many citizens have experienced discriminatory treatment, abuse of authority and excessive violence by police officers. The backlash against such injustices, and hence the desire for freedom and equality, will never go away. On the contrary, it has been openly recognized everywhere, and is also supported by many whites. Moreover, it has spread throughout the world and linked up with objections to the structure of similar residual discrimination and oppressive practices in Belgium and France, for example.
This development is similar to the #MeToo movement, a series of protests against sexual violence by Hollywood's former powerful producer, Harvey Weinstein, and the like, that has spread from the United States to the rest of the world. Through that movement, the structural oppression, discrimination and violence that remained were exposed and prosecuted. This shows that the quest for freedom and equality is not over; rather, it can begin in the United States and spread throughout the world. In Japan, too, the sexual abuse accusations made by journalist Shiori Ito against a male journalist have given many women the courage to speak up.
The exact opposite of this contemporaneous movement would be what's going on in China. While the effectiveness of the country's counter-coronavirus response has been widely touted, the courageous doctors and intellectuals who have denounced its inadequacies have been socially erased.
In addition, the oppression of minorities and rural areas in China has only deepened. One of the most depressing pieces of data I've seen recently is the dramatic drop in the birth rate of the Xinjiang Uighurs. This phenomenon, which is suspected as a result of sterilization and forced abortion, strongly bears the hallmarks of genocide.
And the most visible case of oppression is Hong Kong. In violation of the Sino-British agreement that promised a high degree of autonomy to the former British enclave following its return to China in 1997, the national security law, which was newly enacted in Beijing, easily took away judicial independence and freedom of expression -- elements that formed the basis of Hong Kong's identity. In the hands of today's China, the movement for freedom and equality can be systematically suppressed.
But as the Bulgarian political theorist Tzvetan Todorov wrote rather impressively in his book "The Inner Enemies of Democracy," democracy rejects the attitude of fatalistic resignation. People are not angels and can take a wrong turn, but on the other hand, many directions exist within them and thus, as long as it is a democracy, it is impossible to determine what will happen.
There are many who have a somewhat fatalistic outlook that the corona crisis will lead to exclusionary populism via unemployment and loss of income that will arise from this. Such an outcome, however, can be avoided.
From this year to next, many countries, including Japan and the United States, will be holding pivotal national elections. These elections are likely to be of great significance in predicting the future of the world after the outbreak of the corona crisis. Amid the rapid growth of authoritarianism, their outcomes will have an impact on the meaning of democratic systems around the world. The voters' choices are of crucial importance.
(By Ken Endo, Dean, Graduate School of Public Policy, Hokkaido University.
This article was published in the July 9th, 2020 edition of Mainichi Shimbun)
In the midst of the coronavirus crisis, the United States is breaking down and pulling others in its downfall. For a long time, the country has been at the center of the world, and the impact of its collapse is enormous, accordingly.
As widely reported, on May 25, George Floyd, an African-American man, died as an obvious result of excessive violence by white police officers in Minneapolis. In the wake of his death, the Black Lives Matter (BLM) movement has become widespread across the United States and around the world. The BLM protests have largely been peaceful, but some people took advantage of the situation and engaged in acts of vandalism, while suspicious deaths of African Americans and cover-ups came to the surface one after another. These developments exposed the depth of division in U.S. society.
Behind these recent moves lie deep-rooted historic and societal factors, such as racial discrimination dating back to the nation's founding and the slavery system, as well as structural oppression and violence by law enforcement agencies. But in recent years, the focus has been on so-called "white nationalism," to refer to the title of a recent book by Professor Yasushi Watanabe of Keio University. Some white residents of the United States, who used to be part of the mainstream, are making culturally reactionary moves as their social positions are threatened by the influx of Hispanics and others and they are losing their economic footing. White supremacy is difficult to deal with as it is often accompanied by violence.
President Trump appears to be in a position close to those whites emotionally and politically as he retweeted a post expressing such a position, although he later deleted the tweet. In addition, according to the memoirs of his former national security adviser, John Bolton, the president expressed his endorsement and encouragement of the detention and indoctrination of the Uyghur population in China.
Even though the United States has been involved in many atrocities throughout its history, at the same time, it has also raised the torch of freedom at home and abroad. Now the country is blatantly regressing normatively from top to bottom. Naturally, the international leadership of the United States is being eroded.
What is serious is that the destruction of values is not confined to the domestic sphere, but extends to the multilateralism that has been fostered internationally since the end of World War II. In fact, the Trump administration has unilaterally withdrawn from the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO), the 2015 Iran nuclear agreement, the Paris accord on climate change, the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP), the treaty on the abolition of Intermediate-Range Nuclear Forces (INF), and other various agreements and institutions that have shaped global governance, indicating that it is no longer willing to fulfill its global responsibilities. The COVID-19 crisis seems to be accelerating this drive. President Trump has declared his withdrawal from the World Health Organization (WHO) and suggested a restructuring of the G7. These steps are forcing many countries, including Japan, to reconsider their way of life, which presupposed the leadership of the United States as a given.
However, the problem is complex. This is because internal U.S. developments are not only negative, but also include creative destruction aimed at the accumulated negative legacy of the country.
It gouges out invisible, structured oppression and discrimination. For example, two-thirds of U.S. police officers are white, and blacks are 2.5 times more likely than whites to be shot with a gun. Many citizens have experienced discriminatory treatment, abuse of authority and excessive violence by police officers. The backlash against such injustices, and hence the desire for freedom and equality, will never go away. On the contrary, it has been openly recognized everywhere, and is also supported by many whites. Moreover, it has spread throughout the world and linked up with objections to the structure of similar residual discrimination and oppressive practices in Belgium and France, for example.
This development is similar to the #MeToo movement, a series of protests against sexual violence by Hollywood's former powerful producer, Harvey Weinstein, and the like, that has spread from the United States to the rest of the world. Through that movement, the structural oppression, discrimination and violence that remained were exposed and prosecuted. This shows that the quest for freedom and equality is not over; rather, it can begin in the United States and spread throughout the world. In Japan, too, the sexual abuse accusations made by journalist Shiori Ito against a male journalist have given many women the courage to speak up.
The exact opposite of this contemporaneous movement would be what's going on in China. While the effectiveness of the country's counter-coronavirus response has been widely touted, the courageous doctors and intellectuals who have denounced its inadequacies have been socially erased.
In addition, the oppression of minorities and rural areas in China has only deepened. One of the most depressing pieces of data I've seen recently is the dramatic drop in the birth rate of the Xinjiang Uighurs. This phenomenon, which is suspected as a result of sterilization and forced abortion, strongly bears the hallmarks of genocide.
And the most visible case of oppression is Hong Kong. In violation of the Sino-British agreement that promised a high degree of autonomy to the former British enclave following its return to China in 1997, the national security law, which was newly enacted in Beijing, easily took away judicial independence and freedom of expression -- elements that formed the basis of Hong Kong's identity. In the hands of today's China, the movement for freedom and equality can be systematically suppressed.
But as the Bulgarian political theorist Tzvetan Todorov wrote rather impressively in his book "The Inner Enemies of Democracy," democracy rejects the attitude of fatalistic resignation. People are not angels and can take a wrong turn, but on the other hand, many directions exist within them and thus, as long as it is a democracy, it is impossible to determine what will happen.
There are many who have a somewhat fatalistic outlook that the corona crisis will lead to exclusionary populism via unemployment and loss of income that will arise from this. Such an outcome, however, can be avoided.
From this year to next, many countries, including Japan and the United States, will be holding pivotal national elections. These elections are likely to be of great significance in predicting the future of the world after the outbreak of the corona crisis. Amid the rapid growth of authoritarianism, their outcomes will have an impact on the meaning of democratic systems around the world. The voters' choices are of crucial importance.
(By Ken Endo, Dean, Graduate School of Public Policy, Hokkaido University.
This article was published in the July 9th, 2020 edition of Mainichi Shimbun)
The English-Speaking Union of Japan
コロナ危機下の民主政 「抑圧の構造」を見据えよ
遠藤 乾 / 北海道大学公共政策大学院院長
2020年 7月 30日
コロナ危機のなかで、アメリカが壊れ、壊しゆく。ながらく、世界の中心にあっただけあって、その影響は甚大である。
周知のように、５月２５日、アフリカ系アメリカ人、黒人男性ジョージ・フロイドさんが、白人警官による明らかに過剰な暴力によって亡くなった。それをきっかけに、アメリカ全土、ついで世界中に、「黒人の命は大切（ＢＬＭ）」運動が広がった。これはおおむね平和的な抗議だったが、なかには、乗じて破壊行為に及ぶ者もおり、逆に黒人の更なる不審死やその隠蔽（いんぺい）が疑われる例も続出した。米社会の分断の深さを改めて見せつけたかたちだ。
背景には、建国期や奴隷制以来の人種差別、法執行機関による構造的な抑圧・暴力など、根深い歴史社会的要因があるが、近年注目されているのは、いわゆる「白人ナショナリズム」（渡辺靖）である。これまで米国で主流を占めた白人たちのなかに、ヒスパニックなどの流入でその地位を脅かされ、経済的にも停滞・没落し、文化的な反動に走る者が増えている。白人至上主義がしばしば暴力を伴う分やっかいだ。
トランプ大統領は、のちに取り消したものの、そうした立場を表明する投稿をリツイートするなど、心情的・政治的に近い立場にいると思われる。他にも、ボルトン前補佐官の回顧録＝１＝によれば、中国におけるウイグル人教化収容所について是認・奨励する発言をしていたという。
米国は、歴史上多くの残虐行為に手を染めてきたとはいえ、同時に内外に自由のたいまつを掲げてきた。その国が、トップからボトムまで、規範面であからさまに後退しているわけである。いきおい、米国の指導性は失われていく。
深刻なのは、価値的な破壊が国内でとどまらず、戦後国際的に醸成された多国間主義に及んでいることだ。じっさいトランプ政権は、国連教育科学文化機関（ユネスコ）、イラン核合意、温室効果ガス排出削減を進めるための国際的枠組みのパリ協定、環太平洋パートナーシップ協定（ＴＰＰ）、中距離核戦力（ＩＮＦ）全廃条約など、グローバルガバナンス（統治）を形づくるさまざまな協定や機関から一方的に撤退し、もはや世界的な責務を果たす気がないことを示してきた。コロナ危機はそれに拍車をかけたようだ。トランプ大統領は世界保健機関（ＷＨＯ）からの脱退を宣言し、Ｇ７の再編を示唆した。これは、米国の指導性を所与のものとしてきた、日本をはじめとする多くの国の生き方の再考を迫るものである。
ただし、問題状況は複雑だ。というのも、米国内部の動きには、否定的なものだけでなく、蓄積された負の遺産に向けられる創造的な破壊が含まれているからである。
それは、目に見えないかたちで構造化された抑圧や差別をえぐっていく。たとえば、米警官の３分の２は白人であり、黒人が銃で撃たれる確率は白人の２・５倍におよぶ。多くの市民が警官による差別的な扱い、権限の乱用、過剰な暴力を経験していた。そうした不正義に対する反発、ひいては自由や平等への希求は、なくならない。それどころか、それはいたるところで可視化され、また多くの白人からも支持されていた。さらにそれは世界中に広がり、たとえば、ベルギーやフランスで、同様に残存する差別・抑圧的な構造への異議申し立てと連動した。
これはちょうど、ハリウッドの大物プロデューサー、ワインスタイン氏による性暴力への抗議が、＃ＭｅＴｏｏ運動となって、米国から世界へと広がったのと共通している。やはりここでも残存していた構造的抑圧・差別・暴力があばかれ、告発されたのである。これは、自由・平等への希求が終わるどころか、米国発で世界中でうねりとなることをも示している。日本でも、伊藤詩織氏による告発が、多くの女性に声を上げる勇気をもたらしたことは、記憶に新しい。
この同時代的な動きの全く逆を行くのが、中国であろう。同国のコロナ対応の効果が喧伝（けんでん）される一方で、その不備を告発した勇気ある医師や知識人が社会的に抹殺された。
また、中国における少数派や地方への抑圧は深まる一方である。最近見たデータの中でもっともめいるもののひとつは、新彊ウイグル族の出生率が劇的に落ちているというものだった。断種や強制中絶が疑われるこの現象は、ジェノサイドの色彩が濃厚である。
極めつきは、香港である。１９９７年の返還時に高度な自治を約した国際合意に反し、香港が香港である根拠だった司法の独立と言論の自由を、北京で新たに制定された国家安全維持法＝２＝が、いとも簡単に奪っていった。いまの中国の手にかかれば、自由や平等を求める動きは、体系的に抑圧されるのである。
ブルガリアの政治理論家トドロフ氏は、著書「民主主義の内なる敵」で、印象的な一言を書き残している。「民主政は、運命論的な諦観の態度を拒絶する」と。民衆は天使ではないので悪い方向にも転びうるが、他方で、そのなかには多くの方向性が共存しており、民主政である限りは、どうなるか決め打ちもできないのである。
コロナ危機は、これから生じるであろう失業や収入減を介して、排外的なポピュリズムにつながると、ややもすると運命論的な見通しをもつ向きが多い。しかし、その運命は避けうるものだ。
今年から来年にかけ、日米をはじめ、多くの国で枢要な国政選挙がある。これらは、コロナ危機勃発後のゆくえを占ううえで、大きな意味をもつものとなろう。権威主義体制の伸長が著しいなか、世界における民主体制の意味づけにも響くはずである。その選択はあまりにも重い。
（筆者は北海道大公共政策大学院長 本稿は、２０２０年７月９日付毎日新聞朝刊に掲載された）
周知のように、５月２５日、アフリカ系アメリカ人、黒人男性ジョージ・フロイドさんが、白人警官による明らかに過剰な暴力によって亡くなった。それをきっかけに、アメリカ全土、ついで世界中に、「黒人の命は大切（ＢＬＭ）」運動が広がった。これはおおむね平和的な抗議だったが、なかには、乗じて破壊行為に及ぶ者もおり、逆に黒人の更なる不審死やその隠蔽（いんぺい）が疑われる例も続出した。米社会の分断の深さを改めて見せつけたかたちだ。
背景には、建国期や奴隷制以来の人種差別、法執行機関による構造的な抑圧・暴力など、根深い歴史社会的要因があるが、近年注目されているのは、いわゆる「白人ナショナリズム」（渡辺靖）である。これまで米国で主流を占めた白人たちのなかに、ヒスパニックなどの流入でその地位を脅かされ、経済的にも停滞・没落し、文化的な反動に走る者が増えている。白人至上主義がしばしば暴力を伴う分やっかいだ。
トランプ大統領は、のちに取り消したものの、そうした立場を表明する投稿をリツイートするなど、心情的・政治的に近い立場にいると思われる。他にも、ボルトン前補佐官の回顧録＝１＝によれば、中国におけるウイグル人教化収容所について是認・奨励する発言をしていたという。
米国は、歴史上多くの残虐行為に手を染めてきたとはいえ、同時に内外に自由のたいまつを掲げてきた。その国が、トップからボトムまで、規範面であからさまに後退しているわけである。いきおい、米国の指導性は失われていく。
深刻なのは、価値的な破壊が国内でとどまらず、戦後国際的に醸成された多国間主義に及んでいることだ。じっさいトランプ政権は、国連教育科学文化機関（ユネスコ）、イラン核合意、温室効果ガス排出削減を進めるための国際的枠組みのパリ協定、環太平洋パートナーシップ協定（ＴＰＰ）、中距離核戦力（ＩＮＦ）全廃条約など、グローバルガバナンス（統治）を形づくるさまざまな協定や機関から一方的に撤退し、もはや世界的な責務を果たす気がないことを示してきた。コロナ危機はそれに拍車をかけたようだ。トランプ大統領は世界保健機関（ＷＨＯ）からの脱退を宣言し、Ｇ７の再編を示唆した。これは、米国の指導性を所与のものとしてきた、日本をはじめとする多くの国の生き方の再考を迫るものである。
ただし、問題状況は複雑だ。というのも、米国内部の動きには、否定的なものだけでなく、蓄積された負の遺産に向けられる創造的な破壊が含まれているからである。
それは、目に見えないかたちで構造化された抑圧や差別をえぐっていく。たとえば、米警官の３分の２は白人であり、黒人が銃で撃たれる確率は白人の２・５倍におよぶ。多くの市民が警官による差別的な扱い、権限の乱用、過剰な暴力を経験していた。そうした不正義に対する反発、ひいては自由や平等への希求は、なくならない。それどころか、それはいたるところで可視化され、また多くの白人からも支持されていた。さらにそれは世界中に広がり、たとえば、ベルギーやフランスで、同様に残存する差別・抑圧的な構造への異議申し立てと連動した。
これはちょうど、ハリウッドの大物プロデューサー、ワインスタイン氏による性暴力への抗議が、＃ＭｅＴｏｏ運動となって、米国から世界へと広がったのと共通している。やはりここでも残存していた構造的抑圧・差別・暴力があばかれ、告発されたのである。これは、自由・平等への希求が終わるどころか、米国発で世界中でうねりとなることをも示している。日本でも、伊藤詩織氏による告発が、多くの女性に声を上げる勇気をもたらしたことは、記憶に新しい。
この同時代的な動きの全く逆を行くのが、中国であろう。同国のコロナ対応の効果が喧伝（けんでん）される一方で、その不備を告発した勇気ある医師や知識人が社会的に抹殺された。
また、中国における少数派や地方への抑圧は深まる一方である。最近見たデータの中でもっともめいるもののひとつは、新彊ウイグル族の出生率が劇的に落ちているというものだった。断種や強制中絶が疑われるこの現象は、ジェノサイドの色彩が濃厚である。
極めつきは、香港である。１９９７年の返還時に高度な自治を約した国際合意に反し、香港が香港である根拠だった司法の独立と言論の自由を、北京で新たに制定された国家安全維持法＝２＝が、いとも簡単に奪っていった。いまの中国の手にかかれば、自由や平等を求める動きは、体系的に抑圧されるのである。
ブルガリアの政治理論家トドロフ氏は、著書「民主主義の内なる敵」で、印象的な一言を書き残している。「民主政は、運命論的な諦観の態度を拒絶する」と。民衆は天使ではないので悪い方向にも転びうるが、他方で、そのなかには多くの方向性が共存しており、民主政である限りは、どうなるか決め打ちもできないのである。
コロナ危機は、これから生じるであろう失業や収入減を介して、排外的なポピュリズムにつながると、ややもすると運命論的な見通しをもつ向きが多い。しかし、その運命は避けうるものだ。
今年から来年にかけ、日米をはじめ、多くの国で枢要な国政選挙がある。これらは、コロナ危機勃発後のゆくえを占ううえで、大きな意味をもつものとなろう。権威主義体制の伸長が著しいなか、世界における民主体制の意味づけにも響くはずである。その選択はあまりにも重い。
（筆者は北海道大公共政策大学院長 本稿は、２０２０年７月９日付毎日新聞朝刊に掲載された）
一般社団法人 日本英語交流連盟