Pacific Island Nations: The Focus of FOIP
CHINO Keiko / Journalist
February 1, 2022
On December 23, 2021, in order to maintain public security, the Sogavare administration of the Pacific island nation Solomon Islands announced the acceptance of equipment and police training personnel from China. Contrary to the modest coverage by the media, this news should raise some red flags. We must acknowledge with grudging admiration China's thorough preparation and ambition behind such a quick offer to "help".
In spite of recognizing Taiwan as a country for many years, in September of 2019, the government of Solomon Islands changed its position by opening diplomatic relations with China. The Sogavare administration has long been known as a pro-China faction, and the anti-government demonstrations of last November that erupted into riots and the burning of Chinese owned businesses may have been a contributing factor.
The country's political situation is far from stable, and in the past, Australia and New Zealand (NZ), as co-members of the Commonwealth of Nations, have sent troops to maintain security. Similarly, during this unrest, foreign troops were called in but the difference is that China had placed its personnel nearby, apparently in anticipation of the withdrawal of Australian and New Zealand troops, and successfully slipped them into the country.
This time, the collaboration itself is more meaningful than the details of the offer. Gaining a foothold is what is important to China. Now the collaboration can be strengthened. Originally, China stressed that building military installations on the Spratly Islands of the South China Sea was for peaceful purposes such as places of refuge. However, as soon as it became no longer possible to hide their true intentions, they insisted that building military bases in your own territory is totally justifiable. We must not forget this bitter lesson of history.
Of the 14 Pacific island nations including Solomon Islands, 10 now recognize China. Only Tuvalu, the Republic of Nauru, the Republic of Palau, and the Republic of the Marshall Islands recognize Taiwan. Tuvalu, which is in danger of being submerged due to rising sea levels, once boldly declined China's offer to build an artificial island. On the other hand, Nauru, whose phosphate reserves are being depleted, is expected to recognize China eventually in exchange for support. China expands its tentacles to the small island countries whose future prospects are grim.
The “wolf warrior diplomacy”, repression of Uyghurs, and suppression of speech cause Europeans to feel distaste towards China and increase sympathy towards Taiwan. However, among the Pacific island nations, China feels that it has already gained the upper hand over Taiwan, and in order to counter the FOIP (Free and Open Indo-Pacific) policy, seems eager to fly the 5-star red flag over all the easternmost and strategically important Pacific island nations.
Not only the United States, but also Britain, France, and Germany support the FOIP policy and are already sending naval ships to the region. However, the Pacific island nations' interest in the FOIP policy is still low compared even to Southeast Asia where there are varying degrees of interest depending on the country.
Last year at the 9th Pacific Islands Leaders Meeting (PALM9, video conference), hosted by Japan and attended by Japan, Australia, New Zealand, and 16 Pacific island nations and regions, held a discussion on FOIP but support for it was not included in the Leaders' Declaration. Given China's activism, it is necessary to boost understanding and support for FOIP amongst the Pacific island nations.
It is unfortunate for Australia and New Zealand to have allowed China to gain a foothold in the region. This is especially true for Australia because it has regarded the region as its "backyard." On January 6th, Japan and Australia just signed the Japan-Australia Reciprocal Access Agreement. It is intended to facilitate cooperation between the Japanese Self-Defense Forces and the Australian Defense Force, but is also expected to contribute to the progress of FOIP. This is an opportunity for Japan to remind Australia and New Zealand of the importance of FOIP. Now is the chance for Japan to make effective use of the asset cultivated through nine sessions of the Pacific Islands Leaders Meetings (PALM) based on the focused attention that it has paid to the region since as early as the late 1980s.
Keiko Chino (Freelance journalist, Sankei Shimbun, guest editorial writer)
In spite of recognizing Taiwan as a country for many years, in September of 2019, the government of Solomon Islands changed its position by opening diplomatic relations with China. The Sogavare administration has long been known as a pro-China faction, and the anti-government demonstrations of last November that erupted into riots and the burning of Chinese owned businesses may have been a contributing factor.
The country's political situation is far from stable, and in the past, Australia and New Zealand (NZ), as co-members of the Commonwealth of Nations, have sent troops to maintain security. Similarly, during this unrest, foreign troops were called in but the difference is that China had placed its personnel nearby, apparently in anticipation of the withdrawal of Australian and New Zealand troops, and successfully slipped them into the country.
This time, the collaboration itself is more meaningful than the details of the offer. Gaining a foothold is what is important to China. Now the collaboration can be strengthened. Originally, China stressed that building military installations on the Spratly Islands of the South China Sea was for peaceful purposes such as places of refuge. However, as soon as it became no longer possible to hide their true intentions, they insisted that building military bases in your own territory is totally justifiable. We must not forget this bitter lesson of history.
Of the 14 Pacific island nations including Solomon Islands, 10 now recognize China. Only Tuvalu, the Republic of Nauru, the Republic of Palau, and the Republic of the Marshall Islands recognize Taiwan. Tuvalu, which is in danger of being submerged due to rising sea levels, once boldly declined China's offer to build an artificial island. On the other hand, Nauru, whose phosphate reserves are being depleted, is expected to recognize China eventually in exchange for support. China expands its tentacles to the small island countries whose future prospects are grim.
The “wolf warrior diplomacy”, repression of Uyghurs, and suppression of speech cause Europeans to feel distaste towards China and increase sympathy towards Taiwan. However, among the Pacific island nations, China feels that it has already gained the upper hand over Taiwan, and in order to counter the FOIP (Free and Open Indo-Pacific) policy, seems eager to fly the 5-star red flag over all the easternmost and strategically important Pacific island nations.
Not only the United States, but also Britain, France, and Germany support the FOIP policy and are already sending naval ships to the region. However, the Pacific island nations' interest in the FOIP policy is still low compared even to Southeast Asia where there are varying degrees of interest depending on the country.
Last year at the 9th Pacific Islands Leaders Meeting (PALM9, video conference), hosted by Japan and attended by Japan, Australia, New Zealand, and 16 Pacific island nations and regions, held a discussion on FOIP but support for it was not included in the Leaders' Declaration. Given China's activism, it is necessary to boost understanding and support for FOIP amongst the Pacific island nations.
It is unfortunate for Australia and New Zealand to have allowed China to gain a foothold in the region. This is especially true for Australia because it has regarded the region as its "backyard." On January 6th, Japan and Australia just signed the Japan-Australia Reciprocal Access Agreement. It is intended to facilitate cooperation between the Japanese Self-Defense Forces and the Australian Defense Force, but is also expected to contribute to the progress of FOIP. This is an opportunity for Japan to remind Australia and New Zealand of the importance of FOIP. Now is the chance for Japan to make effective use of the asset cultivated through nine sessions of the Pacific Islands Leaders Meetings (PALM) based on the focused attention that it has paid to the region since as early as the late 1980s.
Keiko Chino (Freelance journalist, Sankei Shimbun, guest editorial writer)
The English-Speaking Union of Japan
太平洋島嶼国地域はFOIPの焦点だ
千野 境子 / ジャーナリスト
2022年 2月 1日
2021年末の12月23日、太平洋島嶼国ソロモン諸島のソガバレ政権が治安維持のため、中国から装備品と警察訓練要員の受け入れを発表したことは、メディアの控え目な扱いとは裏腹に早期警戒警報に値するニュースだった。こんなにも早々と手を出して来る中国の用意周到さと野心は、「敵ながらあっぱれ」だ。
ソロモン諸島は19年9月に長年の台湾から中国へ承認を乗り替えた。ソガバレ政権はかねてから親中派で知られ、今回の１件は11月から起きていた同政権への反政府運動が暴動に発展、中国系商店などが焼き討ちに遭ったことが背景にある。
同国の政情は安定とは言い難く、これまで治安維持には近隣で同じ英連邦の豪州やニュージーランド（NZ）が部隊を送ってきた。今回も同様だが、異なるのは中国が豪州やNZの部隊撤収を待っていたかのように接近、首尾よく入り込んだことだ。
今回は申し出の中味より提携それ自体に意味がある。中国にとって大事なのは足掛かり。中身の強化はこれからやれば良い。南シナ海における南沙諸島の軍事拠点化も最初、泊建設は避難用で平和的なものと強調しておきながら、真の狙いを隠し切れなくなるや自国領土に軍事施設を作るのは国家として当然と居直った。この苦い歴史の教訓を忘れてはならない。
ソロモン諸島も含めて太平洋島嶼国14か国は現在、10カ国が中国を承認。台湾承認はツバル、ナウル、パラオ、マーシャルのみとなった。海面上昇で水没危機のツバルはかつて中国の人工島建設の申し出を敢然と断った。一方燐鉱石が枯渇しつつあるナウルは支援と引き換えにいずれ中国承認かと取沙汰される。前途厳しい小島嶼国に中国は触手を伸ばす。
欧州では戦狼外交やウイグル、言論弾圧などが嫌われ台湾への共感が増しているが、太平洋島嶼国地域では中台の勝負は既についたとみて、この上は「自由で開かれたインド太平洋」（FOIP）構想に対抗するため、中国はその最東端に位置し戦略的にも重要な太平洋島嶼国地域に、五星紅旗をすべて翻したい位の気持ちであろう。
ＦＯＩＰには米国はもとより英仏独なども賛同し、今や艦船も派遣する。だが当の太平洋島嶼国の関心は、FOIPを巡って国により温度差のある東南アジアと比べてもまだまだ低い。
昨年、日本主催で日豪NZと太平洋島嶼国16か国・地域が参加して開かれた第9回太平洋・島サミット（PALM９、テレビ会議）はFOIPの議論こそ行ったが、首脳宣言にその支持を盛り込む迄には至らなかった。中国の意気込みを考えれば、太平洋島嶼国のFOIPへの理解と支持獲得を急ぐ必要がある。
中国に足場を作らせてしまった豪州やNZは迂闊だったと言わざるをえない。とくに豪州は地域を「裏庭」と捉えてきたのだから尚更である。日豪は１月６日に日豪円滑化協定を結んだばかりだ。自衛隊と豪国防軍の協力を円滑にするためのものだが、FOIP進展への寄与も期待されている。日本は豪NZにその重要性を改めて喚起するとともに、80年代末からいち早くこの地域に関心を払い、9回にわたり培ったPALMのアセットを、今こそ有効に使うチャンスであると思う。
千野境子（フリーランスジャーナリスト、産経新聞客員論説委員）
ソロモン諸島は19年9月に長年の台湾から中国へ承認を乗り替えた。ソガバレ政権はかねてから親中派で知られ、今回の１件は11月から起きていた同政権への反政府運動が暴動に発展、中国系商店などが焼き討ちに遭ったことが背景にある。
同国の政情は安定とは言い難く、これまで治安維持には近隣で同じ英連邦の豪州やニュージーランド（NZ）が部隊を送ってきた。今回も同様だが、異なるのは中国が豪州やNZの部隊撤収を待っていたかのように接近、首尾よく入り込んだことだ。
今回は申し出の中味より提携それ自体に意味がある。中国にとって大事なのは足掛かり。中身の強化はこれからやれば良い。南シナ海における南沙諸島の軍事拠点化も最初、泊建設は避難用で平和的なものと強調しておきながら、真の狙いを隠し切れなくなるや自国領土に軍事施設を作るのは国家として当然と居直った。この苦い歴史の教訓を忘れてはならない。
ソロモン諸島も含めて太平洋島嶼国14か国は現在、10カ国が中国を承認。台湾承認はツバル、ナウル、パラオ、マーシャルのみとなった。海面上昇で水没危機のツバルはかつて中国の人工島建設の申し出を敢然と断った。一方燐鉱石が枯渇しつつあるナウルは支援と引き換えにいずれ中国承認かと取沙汰される。前途厳しい小島嶼国に中国は触手を伸ばす。
欧州では戦狼外交やウイグル、言論弾圧などが嫌われ台湾への共感が増しているが、太平洋島嶼国地域では中台の勝負は既についたとみて、この上は「自由で開かれたインド太平洋」（FOIP）構想に対抗するため、中国はその最東端に位置し戦略的にも重要な太平洋島嶼国地域に、五星紅旗をすべて翻したい位の気持ちであろう。
ＦＯＩＰには米国はもとより英仏独なども賛同し、今や艦船も派遣する。だが当の太平洋島嶼国の関心は、FOIPを巡って国により温度差のある東南アジアと比べてもまだまだ低い。
昨年、日本主催で日豪NZと太平洋島嶼国16か国・地域が参加して開かれた第9回太平洋・島サミット（PALM９、テレビ会議）はFOIPの議論こそ行ったが、首脳宣言にその支持を盛り込む迄には至らなかった。中国の意気込みを考えれば、太平洋島嶼国のFOIPへの理解と支持獲得を急ぐ必要がある。
中国に足場を作らせてしまった豪州やNZは迂闊だったと言わざるをえない。とくに豪州は地域を「裏庭」と捉えてきたのだから尚更である。日豪は１月６日に日豪円滑化協定を結んだばかりだ。自衛隊と豪国防軍の協力を円滑にするためのものだが、FOIP進展への寄与も期待されている。日本は豪NZにその重要性を改めて喚起するとともに、80年代末からいち早くこの地域に関心を払い、9回にわたり培ったPALMのアセットを、今こそ有効に使うチャンスであると思う。
千野境子（フリーランスジャーナリスト、産経新聞客員論説委員）
一般社団法人 日本英語交流連盟