Expanding the right- and left-wings of politics: Does Japan follow the European example?
NISHIKAWA Megumi / Journalist
January 20, 2025
Last October's general election created a new political situation in Japan. It was the expansion of both the left- and right-wings beyond the traditional established political parties.
For many years, the basic configuration of Japanese politics has been characterized by the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) as the most right-wing and the Japanese Communist Party (JCP) as the most left-wing, with other parties going through alliances and ruptures. The party of Reiwa Shinsengumi (RS), established in 2019, was treated as just one of “others” in that year’s Upper House election, implying that it was seen as a party that could disappear at any moment. However, in the recent general election, RS tripled its number of seats to nine, bringing its total number of seats in the lower house and upper house to 14, and thus established a position in the political arena that cannot be ignored. RS advocates radical policies that are further to the left than those of the Communist Party, such as “payment of seasonal benefits to help with inflation,” “all-out efforts to buy made-in-Japan products and to bring industries back to Japan” and “government purchase of all agricultural, forestry, and fishery products, etc.”
The Japan Conservative Party, to the right of the LDP, was founded in November 2023 in opposition to the Law for the Promotion of LGBT Understanding passed in June of that year. It made its political debut by winning three seats in its first general election. The party's philosophy is to “protect Japan's national identity and traditional culture,” and it takes a backward-looking stance on accepting refugees. In terms of immigration policy, it calls for a review of the government's policy of allowing family members to come to Japan with immigrants and, from the security viewpoint, the party calls for rigorous selection of the countries of origin when accepting foreign students.
In Europe and the United States, there have been clearly discernible trends such as the expansion of both the right- and left-wings of politics, radicalization, and populism since the beginning of 21st century. While in the United States, the left-wing and right- wing radicals have been contained within the framework of the two major political parties, the Democrat and the Republican, in Europe, radical parties have been established on both wings, transcending traditional political parties. In this respect, Japan is similar to Europe.
In major European countries, the radical populist parties hold the casting vote and wield political influence.
France's far-right “Rassemblement National” (RN) and the radical left “La France Insoumise “(LFI) made great strides in the general elections last July, and President Macron's ruling party failed to gain a majority, leading to the formation of the Barnier minority cabinet. However, in December, the LFI, which opposed the proposed budget for fiscal 2025, submitted a motion of no confidence, which was supported by the RN. The cabinet collapsed and the budget proposal was buried, severely damaging the credibility of President Macron's rule.
In Germany, the right-wing “Alternative for Germany” (AfD), formed in 2013, became the first or second party in the state parliamentary elections held last September in three former East German states. General elections are scheduled for February this year, and the AfD is in second place with 18% support, behind the opposition, center-right Christian Democratic and Social Union (CDU/CSU) with 32%. It is ahead of the German Social Democratic Party (SPD) and the Green Party, which forms a coalition with the SPD, with 14% each.
In Italy, the right-wing Fratelli d’Italia (FDI), founded in 2012 with its origins in the fascist movement, won the general election of 2022, and the FDI-led party leader, Giorgia Meloni, is currently leading a center-right government as prime minister. However, the Meroni administration, though tough on illegal immigrants and refugees, pursues pragmatic policies in other areas.
The populist parties in the three countries, with the exception of the RN, are young emerging parties. Their rise to power, similarly to what has happened in the United States, is due to opposition to elite-led politics, skepticism toward globalism, dissatisfaction with the uneven distribution of wealth, opposition to illegal immigration, and other factors. These populist parties are also advocating fiscal stimulus to raise social security and the minimum wages and also tend to put their own country first. The opposition to the European Union and the opposition to aid for Ukraine also have their roots here. The division of public opinion has created a deep dividing line in European society such as my country first versus international cooperation, expansionary fiscal policy versus fiscal soundness, have-nots versus pro-regime elites, etc. In terms of political ideals, the left calls for policies that eliminate discrimination based on race, gender, disability, etc., while the right emphasizes nationalistic values and opposes the excesses of political correctness.
The new political situation in Japan that emerged from the general election can be seen as a spill-over of the European political and social phenomena with a time lag of about 20 years. The antipathy toward the elite class was evident in the recent election of the heads of municipalities, and the growing discomfort with the increasing number of MPs who inherit their parliamentary seats from their parents can be seen in the same context. In terms of the uneven distribution of wealth, Japan does not have as big a disparity between the rich and the poor as in Europe and the United States, but even so, there are a gradually expanding number of people who feel themselves impoverished. The immigration and refugee problems are not as serious as in Europe and the U.S., but hate speeches against foreigners are still rife on social networking sites.
In Japan, populist parties have not yet come to dominate the political scene as they have in Europe. In the medium to long term, however, the era of the LDP and Komeito (junior coalition partner) holding a stable majority is likely to end, and the country will shift to a more painstaking political process similar to that in Europe, in which new parties are brought in and recombined to secure a majority. Also, more new political parties will emerge.
In this process, Europe’s experience will serve as a cautionary tale for Japan. In Europe, the multi-party system has sharpened antagonisms and conflicts among political parties and accelerated the division of public opinion. The key to avoiding such situation is to build a consensus among political parties based on compromise and persuasion, and to carefully forge consent. This will ensure inclusion, rather than exclusion, of particular popular opinions. The multi-party system should not condemn society to rupture.
Nishikawa Megumi is a contributing editor of Mainichi Shimbun
For many years, the basic configuration of Japanese politics has been characterized by the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) as the most right-wing and the Japanese Communist Party (JCP) as the most left-wing, with other parties going through alliances and ruptures. The party of Reiwa Shinsengumi (RS), established in 2019, was treated as just one of “others” in that year’s Upper House election, implying that it was seen as a party that could disappear at any moment. However, in the recent general election, RS tripled its number of seats to nine, bringing its total number of seats in the lower house and upper house to 14, and thus established a position in the political arena that cannot be ignored. RS advocates radical policies that are further to the left than those of the Communist Party, such as “payment of seasonal benefits to help with inflation,” “all-out efforts to buy made-in-Japan products and to bring industries back to Japan” and “government purchase of all agricultural, forestry, and fishery products, etc.”
The Japan Conservative Party, to the right of the LDP, was founded in November 2023 in opposition to the Law for the Promotion of LGBT Understanding passed in June of that year. It made its political debut by winning three seats in its first general election. The party's philosophy is to “protect Japan's national identity and traditional culture,” and it takes a backward-looking stance on accepting refugees. In terms of immigration policy, it calls for a review of the government's policy of allowing family members to come to Japan with immigrants and, from the security viewpoint, the party calls for rigorous selection of the countries of origin when accepting foreign students.
In Europe and the United States, there have been clearly discernible trends such as the expansion of both the right- and left-wings of politics, radicalization, and populism since the beginning of 21st century. While in the United States, the left-wing and right- wing radicals have been contained within the framework of the two major political parties, the Democrat and the Republican, in Europe, radical parties have been established on both wings, transcending traditional political parties. In this respect, Japan is similar to Europe.
In major European countries, the radical populist parties hold the casting vote and wield political influence.
France's far-right “Rassemblement National” (RN) and the radical left “La France Insoumise “(LFI) made great strides in the general elections last July, and President Macron's ruling party failed to gain a majority, leading to the formation of the Barnier minority cabinet. However, in December, the LFI, which opposed the proposed budget for fiscal 2025, submitted a motion of no confidence, which was supported by the RN. The cabinet collapsed and the budget proposal was buried, severely damaging the credibility of President Macron's rule.
In Germany, the right-wing “Alternative for Germany” (AfD), formed in 2013, became the first or second party in the state parliamentary elections held last September in three former East German states. General elections are scheduled for February this year, and the AfD is in second place with 18% support, behind the opposition, center-right Christian Democratic and Social Union (CDU/CSU) with 32%. It is ahead of the German Social Democratic Party (SPD) and the Green Party, which forms a coalition with the SPD, with 14% each.
In Italy, the right-wing Fratelli d’Italia (FDI), founded in 2012 with its origins in the fascist movement, won the general election of 2022, and the FDI-led party leader, Giorgia Meloni, is currently leading a center-right government as prime minister. However, the Meroni administration, though tough on illegal immigrants and refugees, pursues pragmatic policies in other areas.
The populist parties in the three countries, with the exception of the RN, are young emerging parties. Their rise to power, similarly to what has happened in the United States, is due to opposition to elite-led politics, skepticism toward globalism, dissatisfaction with the uneven distribution of wealth, opposition to illegal immigration, and other factors. These populist parties are also advocating fiscal stimulus to raise social security and the minimum wages and also tend to put their own country first. The opposition to the European Union and the opposition to aid for Ukraine also have their roots here. The division of public opinion has created a deep dividing line in European society such as my country first versus international cooperation, expansionary fiscal policy versus fiscal soundness, have-nots versus pro-regime elites, etc. In terms of political ideals, the left calls for policies that eliminate discrimination based on race, gender, disability, etc., while the right emphasizes nationalistic values and opposes the excesses of political correctness.
The new political situation in Japan that emerged from the general election can be seen as a spill-over of the European political and social phenomena with a time lag of about 20 years. The antipathy toward the elite class was evident in the recent election of the heads of municipalities, and the growing discomfort with the increasing number of MPs who inherit their parliamentary seats from their parents can be seen in the same context. In terms of the uneven distribution of wealth, Japan does not have as big a disparity between the rich and the poor as in Europe and the United States, but even so, there are a gradually expanding number of people who feel themselves impoverished. The immigration and refugee problems are not as serious as in Europe and the U.S., but hate speeches against foreigners are still rife on social networking sites.
In Japan, populist parties have not yet come to dominate the political scene as they have in Europe. In the medium to long term, however, the era of the LDP and Komeito (junior coalition partner) holding a stable majority is likely to end, and the country will shift to a more painstaking political process similar to that in Europe, in which new parties are brought in and recombined to secure a majority. Also, more new political parties will emerge.
In this process, Europe’s experience will serve as a cautionary tale for Japan. In Europe, the multi-party system has sharpened antagonisms and conflicts among political parties and accelerated the division of public opinion. The key to avoiding such situation is to build a consensus among political parties based on compromise and persuasion, and to carefully forge consent. This will ensure inclusion, rather than exclusion, of particular popular opinions. The multi-party system should not condemn society to rupture.
Nishikawa Megumi is a contributing editor of Mainichi Shimbun
The English-Speaking Union of Japan
政治の両翼の拡大：欧州と違う日本?
西川 恵 / ジャーナリスト
2025年 1月 20日
昨年10月の総選挙は日本に新しい政治状況を生み出した。従来の既成政党を超えた左右両翼の拡大である。
長年、日本の政治は自民党が最も右、日本共産党が最も左という構図の中で、政党の離合集散が行われてきた。2019年に設立された「れいわ新選組」は、同年の参院選では「諸派」扱いで、いつ消えるか分からない政党と見られた。しかし今回の総選挙で議席を３倍の９に伸ばし、衆参合わせて14議席となり、政界に無視できない地歩を築いた。その政策には共産党より左の急進的な主張が並ぶ。「季節ごとのインフレ給付金」「メイド・イン・ジャパンを買いまくり、産業の国内回帰」「農林水産品の全量買い取り」等々。
自民党より右の日本保守党は、2023年６月に成立したLGBT理解増進法に反発して同年11月に設立された。初の総選挙で３議席を獲得し、政界進出を果たした。「日本の国体と伝統文化を守る」を理念とし、難民受け入れに後ろ向きで、移民政策では家族帯同を認めた政府方針の見直しや、安全保障の観点から出身国を厳選した留学制度を求めている。
欧米では政治の両翼の拡大、急進化、ポピュリズムといった潮流が、21世紀に入って顕著になっていた。米国では民主党と共和党の二大政党の枠内に、それぞれ左と右の急進派を抱えているのに対し、欧州は従来の政党を超えた両翼で急進的な政党が設立されている。この点で日本は欧州に近い。欧州の主要国では急進的なポピュリズム政党がキャスティングボートを握り、政局に影響を与えている。
フランスの極右・国民連合（RN）と急進左派「不服従のフランス」（LFI）は昨年７月の総選挙で躍進し、マクロン大統領の与党は過半数をとれず、バルニエ少数内閣が発足した。しかし12月に25年度予算案に反対するLFIがバルニエ首相不信任案を提出し、RNが賛同。内閣は倒れ、予算案も葬られ、マクロン大統領の統治の信頼性が大きく傷ついた。
ドイツでは13年に結成された右派・ドイツのための選択肢（AfD）が、昨年９月に行われた旧東独の３州の州議会選挙で第１党、または第２党になった。今年２月には総選挙が行われる予定で、AfDの支持率は野党で中道右派のキリスト教民主・社会同盟（CDU・CSU）の32％に次ぎ18％の２位。独社会民主党（SPD）と、SPDと連立を組む緑の党の各14％を上回る。
イタリアでは2012年に設立されたファシズム運動に起源を持つ右派・イタリアの同胞（FDI）が22年の総選挙で勝利し、現在はFDIを軸に党首のメローニ氏が首相として中道右派政権を率いている。ただメローニ政権は不法移民・難民には厳しいが、それ以外では現実的な政策を追求している。
３国のポピュリズム政党はRNを除き若い新興政党だ。勢力伸長の背景には、米国もそうだが、エリート率いる政治に対する反発、グローバリズムへの懐疑心、富の偏在への不満、不法移民への反対などがある。またポピュリズム政党は社会保障や最低賃金の底上げなどで財政出動を主張し、自国第一主義だ。欧州連合（EU）への反発やウクライナに対する支援反対もここに根差す。民意の分裂は欧州社会に深い分断線を作っている。自国第一vs国際協調、積極財政主義vs財政健全主義、持たざる者vs体制エリート…。理念的なものでは、左は人種や性別、障害などによる差別をなくす政策を求め、右はナショナリズム的な価値を重視し、理念の行き過ぎに反発する。
総選挙で現出した日本の新しい政治状況は、欧州の政治社会現象が約20年のタイムラグで波及したと見ることができる。エリート層への反感は最近の首長選挙に現れたし、増加する二世議員に対する違和感もこの延長線にあるだろう。富の偏在では日本は欧米ほど貧富の差はないが、それでもジワリと貧困層の拡大が感じられている。移民・難民問題も欧米ほど深刻ではないが、外国人に対するヘイト的な言辞がSNSで飛び交っている。
日本は欧州のようにポピュリズム政党が政局を左右するまでにはなっていない。しかし中長期的には自公が安定多数を握っていた時代は終わり、新たな政党を取り込み、また組み換えで多数を確保する欧州のような苦心の政治へ移行していくと思われる。新興政党もさらに生まれるだろう。その際、日本にとって欧州は反面教師となる。欧州では多党化によって政党間の反目と対立が先鋭化し、世論の分断が加速した。そうならないためには妥協と説得に基づく政党間のコンセンサス作り、丁寧な合意の形成がカギとなる。これによって特定の民意を排除するのではなく、包摂していくことができる。多党化が必然的に社会の分断を深める訳ではないのである。
筆者は毎日新聞客員編集委員
長年、日本の政治は自民党が最も右、日本共産党が最も左という構図の中で、政党の離合集散が行われてきた。2019年に設立された「れいわ新選組」は、同年の参院選では「諸派」扱いで、いつ消えるか分からない政党と見られた。しかし今回の総選挙で議席を３倍の９に伸ばし、衆参合わせて14議席となり、政界に無視できない地歩を築いた。その政策には共産党より左の急進的な主張が並ぶ。「季節ごとのインフレ給付金」「メイド・イン・ジャパンを買いまくり、産業の国内回帰」「農林水産品の全量買い取り」等々。
自民党より右の日本保守党は、2023年６月に成立したLGBT理解増進法に反発して同年11月に設立された。初の総選挙で３議席を獲得し、政界進出を果たした。「日本の国体と伝統文化を守る」を理念とし、難民受け入れに後ろ向きで、移民政策では家族帯同を認めた政府方針の見直しや、安全保障の観点から出身国を厳選した留学制度を求めている。
欧米では政治の両翼の拡大、急進化、ポピュリズムといった潮流が、21世紀に入って顕著になっていた。米国では民主党と共和党の二大政党の枠内に、それぞれ左と右の急進派を抱えているのに対し、欧州は従来の政党を超えた両翼で急進的な政党が設立されている。この点で日本は欧州に近い。欧州の主要国では急進的なポピュリズム政党がキャスティングボートを握り、政局に影響を与えている。
フランスの極右・国民連合（RN）と急進左派「不服従のフランス」（LFI）は昨年７月の総選挙で躍進し、マクロン大統領の与党は過半数をとれず、バルニエ少数内閣が発足した。しかし12月に25年度予算案に反対するLFIがバルニエ首相不信任案を提出し、RNが賛同。内閣は倒れ、予算案も葬られ、マクロン大統領の統治の信頼性が大きく傷ついた。
ドイツでは13年に結成された右派・ドイツのための選択肢（AfD）が、昨年９月に行われた旧東独の３州の州議会選挙で第１党、または第２党になった。今年２月には総選挙が行われる予定で、AfDの支持率は野党で中道右派のキリスト教民主・社会同盟（CDU・CSU）の32％に次ぎ18％の２位。独社会民主党（SPD）と、SPDと連立を組む緑の党の各14％を上回る。
イタリアでは2012年に設立されたファシズム運動に起源を持つ右派・イタリアの同胞（FDI）が22年の総選挙で勝利し、現在はFDIを軸に党首のメローニ氏が首相として中道右派政権を率いている。ただメローニ政権は不法移民・難民には厳しいが、それ以外では現実的な政策を追求している。
３国のポピュリズム政党はRNを除き若い新興政党だ。勢力伸長の背景には、米国もそうだが、エリート率いる政治に対する反発、グローバリズムへの懐疑心、富の偏在への不満、不法移民への反対などがある。またポピュリズム政党は社会保障や最低賃金の底上げなどで財政出動を主張し、自国第一主義だ。欧州連合（EU）への反発やウクライナに対する支援反対もここに根差す。民意の分裂は欧州社会に深い分断線を作っている。自国第一vs国際協調、積極財政主義vs財政健全主義、持たざる者vs体制エリート…。理念的なものでは、左は人種や性別、障害などによる差別をなくす政策を求め、右はナショナリズム的な価値を重視し、理念の行き過ぎに反発する。
総選挙で現出した日本の新しい政治状況は、欧州の政治社会現象が約20年のタイムラグで波及したと見ることができる。エリート層への反感は最近の首長選挙に現れたし、増加する二世議員に対する違和感もこの延長線にあるだろう。富の偏在では日本は欧米ほど貧富の差はないが、それでもジワリと貧困層の拡大が感じられている。移民・難民問題も欧米ほど深刻ではないが、外国人に対するヘイト的な言辞がSNSで飛び交っている。
日本は欧州のようにポピュリズム政党が政局を左右するまでにはなっていない。しかし中長期的には自公が安定多数を握っていた時代は終わり、新たな政党を取り込み、また組み換えで多数を確保する欧州のような苦心の政治へ移行していくと思われる。新興政党もさらに生まれるだろう。その際、日本にとって欧州は反面教師となる。欧州では多党化によって政党間の反目と対立が先鋭化し、世論の分断が加速した。そうならないためには妥協と説得に基づく政党間のコンセンサス作り、丁寧な合意の形成がカギとなる。これによって特定の民意を排除するのではなく、包摂していくことができる。多党化が必然的に社会の分断を深める訳ではないのである。
筆者は毎日新聞客員編集委員
一般社団法人 日本英語交流連盟